About Nayonland (Map Application)

[Nayonland]

www.nayonland.travel (Official website of the Department of Trade and Tourism)

 

Note: This page is no longer updated since 26/10/2024. It has been archived.

About Nayonland

 

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OFFICIAL NAME: Commonwealth of Nayonland

Geography:

Major Cities: (2023 census) Capital: Tondo (pop 3.5 million); Batagan (1.2 million); Mountain City (0.7 million) 

Land Area (2): 841,638 km2.
Terrain: 65% mountainous, with narrow coastal lowlands
Climate: Tropical

People:
Nationality: Noun--(Ka)Nayongan(s). Adjective--Nayongan. 
Population (2): 14.9 million (2023 Census).
Ethnic groups: South Boreaurelian, White Nayongan, Huang.
Religion: Tacolic Christian (39.8%), Salamid (18.9%), Anglian (15.6%), No religion (25%)
Languages: Tagabay and Stillian are official languages. Anglish is the language of business and government.
GDP Per Capita (0): $4,130

Culture:
The native Tagabay majority of Nayonland are Southeast Boreaurelian, descendants of a mass migration from West Alharu. They travelled through the Manamana isthmus and arrived on North Turtle Island. Trade between neighboring East Alharu led to Huang migration to the island and intermarriages with the South Boreaurelians, giving birth to the first Huang-Tagabays. The arrival of the Iverican and Anglian settlers produced Tagabay and Huang mestizos. The Ivericans and the Anglians are the two largest expat communities in the island.

The island was historically divided between Iverican and Anglian control, each influencing the Tagabays within their colonial territories. More than 55% of the population are Christian, the largest denomination belonging to the Tacolic Church. The third largest religious demographic is Salamid, comprised of the Non-Ibericized Tagabays. The rest have declared in the recent 2023 census that they have "No religion."

Both Anglish and creole Tagabay Stillian play important roles as the second language of the Tagabay people. Natives in the western half of the island speak Chavacano or Stillian, the latter is increasingly rare. The rest in the eastern side use Anglish. The debate for a single, national language is still ongoing, with Bahasa Tondo and Chavacano as leading contenders. Steps have been made to favor Bahasa Tondo in 2020, when Prime Minister Sarah Labuh decreed Tagabay as the medium of instruction in all schools and universities. Sahrabic is the fourth most-spoken language due to its use by Salamid Tagabays. Due to the lack of schools, the literacy rate is 86.5%.

History:
The early colonial period

The descendants of the Tagabay people arrived from the Manamana isthmus and East Alharu, sailing to North Turtle Island in coast-bound boats called "barangays." They named their new insular communities after their marine vehicles. Their leaders, Datus as they are called in the west and Lakans in the east, were the rulers of the barangay principalities. They were followed by Huang merchants and traders in the 9th Century CE, serving as powerful lenders and advisers to the native rulers. In 1521, Sir Ferdinand Magline founded Batangan, the first Anglian colony in the island. The Iberic settlers arrived in 1627 led by Miguel de Legazpi, the Stillian commander of the Armada de San Miguel, founded the settlement of Tondo, named after the neighboring barangay. Its ruler, Grand Datu Sulayman III, permitted the Stillians to live nearby in exchange for military services. Commander de Legazpi and his men joined Sulayman's conquest of the Namayan Confederation, an alliance of datus and lakans that controls the trade routes to the east via Dunas de La Paz Desert. The lakanates negotiated for Anglian suzerainty to gain protection under the Eastern Shore Protectorate.

The late colonial period

Iverican and Anglian colonial rule developed parallel political orders in their respective sides of North Turtle Island. The policy of reducciones helped Tondo centralize control over its territories, granting datus and lakans the status of Cabezas de Barangay, a hereditary municipal head unique to the barangay. A barangay was usually given control over large, rural areas and unincorporated communities, especially if they were inhabited by a Tagabay majority. The cabezas and captains of the most prominent towns and barangays served in the Comtaté Capitanos, an advisory body to the Iverican governor. The Anglian maintained a decentralized federal system in the Eastern Shore Protectorate. The barangay principalities were autonomous. Iverican settlements were separate from Tagabay communities. Both colonies practiced forms of serfdom or tenancy. It consolidated a feudalistic colonial structure that allowed a small, landowning elite to dominate the majority of the population. They were called the principalía.

The Nayongan principalía, the landowning elite of both colonies, were comprised of the Iverican and Anglian colonists or insulares; the hereditary native nobility or maguinoo; the Tagabay mestizo hidalgos; and both the Tacolic and Anglian churches. They used their positions in the colonial government to gain lands. The "hidalgo by wealth" or maygintao were a mercantile class comprised mostly of Huang mestizos. The Iverican maygintao and hidalgos extracted wealth from mining resources, including gold, silver, iron, manganese, and coal. Their Anglian neighbors flourished with their sugar and tobacco plantations. Increased wealth for the Tagabay elite enabled the rise of the Ilustrados, an inclusive intellectual movement of upper and middle-class mestizos, insulares, and indios. Inspired by the Solidaridad values, they started the Propagandist Movement, spreading awareness about indentured servitude, forced labor, and corruption in Nayonland, calling for equality and citizenship rights.

During the Olivaran Reforms, largeholdings owned by the Tacolic Church were seized and sold to the Nayongan principalía and the maygintao. The latter bought rural areas surrounding the cities, creating new settlements which were eventually absorbed by the main settlements. The former knight order of Orden Santiago were exempted due to their small estate comprising of mostly churches and monasteries.

In the Eastern Shore Protectorate, Anglian colonies controlled native migration. Tagabays were limited to their barangays or designated areas outside the main Anglian settlements.

Equatorial Alharu period

By 1890, the meager Anglian Royal Navy fleet stationed in North Turtle Island could not defend the island against an Iverican invasion. Its reinforcements back in the Europan mainland were too far, compared to the convenient Iverican Armada stations in the Keelpijp Passage and Fulgistan. The Anglian navy was defeated in the Battle of Batagan Bay on 11 November 1894. The Ivericans occupied all of Anglian North Turtle Island. The Anglians ceded formal control of Batagan, the Eastern Shore Protectorate, and its other territories in the island to Iverica under the terms of the Treaty of Goodwill, ending the Iverican-Anglian War on 22 August 1895. The lands of the colonies were divided between the Compañía Ivericana de Alharu Ecuatorial and Compañía de Tundo. Both consolidated power by establishing monopolies, instituting price controls, cracking down on internal migration, and introducing punitive tariffs. These new rules were harsher in the Eastern Shore Protectorate. Many were coerced to sell sugar and tobacco plantations to CIAE.

The discriminated Anglians, eager to get away from CIAE rule, started a mass migration inland called the Grand March. Many rural Tagabays who moved in the deeper barangay valleys of Eastern Shore and Mountain Province after they were historically displaced from their original, coastal domains, were again victims of displacement in the late 1890s. Corrupt cabezas de barangay and Tagabay princes were bribed by the Anglians to acquire permission to expel the Tagabay residents. The discovery of gold in Mountain Province led to the Mountain City Gold Rush. Compania dei Equatoré Ferrosera, the inter-colony railway, was founded to connect the colonies by rail and transport thousands of Kastilas, Ivericans, and Anglians further inland, invading previously sovereign Tagabay barangays. Local clashes between the natives and the colonial population escalated into a coordinated, armed Boondock Rebellion in 1896, commanded by Theodore Taruc. He declared it a "war for Tagabay independence." The revolutionary insurgents fought until Taruc's capture in 1901.

In 1916, the Iverican National Chamber annexed Tondo and the Eastern Shore Protectorate as self-governing territories. William Forbes was appointed the first president of the Equatorial Alharun Affairs Council, an inter-colonial council to coordinate public services and survey the developmental needs of the two colonies. A unicameral General Assembly, the first inter-colonial legislature that comprised the members of both the Legislative Council of the Eastern Shore Protectorate and the Colonial Chamber of Tondo.

In 1921, the Council of Cabezas de Barangay demand equal voting rights in both colonies and announced a general strike, halting all work in agriculture, mining, and dock logistics. It crippled trade and businesses. It was supposed to last only three days. Due to the counterprotests held by the principalía, the Tagabay and the colonial communities clashed. This erupted into the 1922-1925 Nayongan Civil War. Organized Anglian militias, private armies of Kastilan mine companies, and Tagabay organized crime groups battled in the major cities of Tondo, Mountain City, and Batagan. There were terrorist attacks, mainly mass shootings and mass stabbings, which intensified due to reprisals. More than 2,000 people were killed. During the conflict, the Anglian colonial communities started the Segregationist Movement to protect themselves. The guerilla warfare that followed, and the great damage it caused to the rural industries, convinced the Kastila and Iverican communities to adopt segregationist policies. 

The 1934 Equatorial Alharu Constitution was enacted, elevating the territory's status to an autonomous colonial federation. The intention was to pacify the Tagabay people and unite Tondo and the Eastern Shore Protectorate. It declared that Iverican administration of North Turtle Island was to be temporary and aimed to develop institutions that would empower the territory as a future trade partner in Southeast Alharu. It transformed the General Assembly into a bicameral legislature, dividing it into the upper house Federal Council, representing Tagabay leaders, and the lower house National Cámra, representing the colonists and native inhabitants. It held the island's first general elections in 1935 based on a census suffrage. Although, it had further restrictions that limited participation with the strict income and property franchise. This meant the majority of voters were dominated by the White population of the Eastern Shore Protectorate. The native voters were mostly maygintao, the Nayongan upper classes. In total, the voters represented only 16% of 2.8 million—The population of Nayonland at the time. The newly nationalized civil service was initially Iverican, but they were slowly replaced by Kastila and Anglian bureaucrats, with a small number of Tagabays from the principalía.

The early years of dominion were dominated by Iverican-assisted development. It was hindered by the Hukbala, the armed wing of the banned communist Katipunan ng Manggagawag Katagabayon. The Huks received financial and weapons aid from the Worker's Republic of Fulgistan. Many were intercepted by the Special Security Office of Iverica. The Huks were eventually contained by the Nayongan Security Forces.

The ministries of Partido Morales and the Unión Republicano Patriótica sought to negotiate for peace with the KMK, implement domestic reforms, and diversify the Nayongan economy, which mostly benefited the principalía and the maygintao classes. The reforms focused on amendments to the 1934 Constitution that cemented White Nayongan minority rule.

The Morales-Unión Republicano Patriótica coalition ministry under Prime Minister Lucio Martello, the first Iverican mestizo prime minister, is fondly remembered as the Golden Age of Nayonland. From 1961-1969, the island witnessed its fastest records of economic growth, yielding a government budget for massive spending. Martello introduced a national public housing program for urban Tagabays and the breakup of largeholdings. However, other public services in health and education were virtually exclusive to the White Nayongans. The massive infrastructure program to build new roads and rail was focused on connecting White Nayongan communities, industrial estates, and mining towns. The groundbreaking of new suburbs in rapidly expanding cities precluded the removal of Tagabay residents. Compensation was insufficient, encouraging residents to resist, and eminent domain had to be utilized in most cases. The rising property and housing costs forced thousands of poor Tagabays to live in illegal settlements. They built shantytowns derided by White Nayongans as eyesore "boondooks." Student protests led by White Nayongans and middle class Tagabays demanded broad changes, including the end of White Nayongan minority rule and segregation. They organized "street parliaments" to block major roads and public spaces.

In 1969, Martello resigned in the height of the Aswang Scandal. Referring to a mythological Tagabay creature, secret government documents revealed that he supported SSO experiments on psychological warfare. It involved mutilating the bodies of dead Huk soldiers to stage an Aswang attack, scaring Huks to abandon their hideouts and surrender. The news helped revive nationalist and anti-colonial sentiments. The Huk insurgency intensified. It started to interrupt economic activity and increase lawlessness, especially in the rural provinces. Living conditions have barely improved since the industrialization of 1920s. Malnutrition, already endemic among children, extended to a growing number of young adults. Underemployment started to emerge. Political normalization started in 1970, but consecutive ministries collapsed due to deep divisions over minority rule.  Governor-General Biel Deitorr y Suances intervened by appointing an emergency coalition government of Morales defectors, pardoned KMK leaders, and members of the URP led by Prime Minister Cesar Virata. The assassination of Deitorr suspended the planned 1974 constitutional convention indefinitely. In 1979, the Morales won a landslide election, securing a safe majority in the National Cámra.

Deitorr's successor, Felix Abello y Latorre, promised to work with the Morales. He quickly approved Prime Minister Elia Field's proposal to declare martial law. The Guardia Civil battalion started rounding up suspected terrorists based on the lists publicized by the Anti-Terrorism Council. Most of the detainees were high-profile journalists, KMK party officials, and student activist leaders. As part of anti-crime crackdown, the National Urban Renewal Scheme was introduced to modernize inner city infrastructure. The forced removal of boondocks was a prerequisite of the new strict zoning laws the scheme put in place. 600,000 illegal settlers were transferred to relocation camps. Anti-urban renewal protests at the University of Santo Tomas were brutally broken up by the government. 51 students were killed. This set off a chain of events that led to the passing of the Nayonland Independence Act of 1984. A transitional government of 10 years, elected under a new constitution, would be established. Once its term ended, independence would be granted. Intense public scrutiny back in Iverica pressured the government to attempt a second intervention. The act scheduled an election in 1985 to vote for the delegates of the constitutional convention. Their proposed constitution promised majority rule, which led to the withdrawal of all Anglian and Iverican delegates. In 1987, it was approved in a referendum. The constitution was publicly rejected by the Field Ministry. On February 25, 1987, the Morales-controlled National Cámra voted to approve a unilateral independence declaration.

The new nation, simply called "Terranayano", initially sought recognition by reaffirming allegiance to the Republic of Iverica. Governor-General Abello retained the loyalty of a training battalion of the Republican Armed Service. The rest of the Nayongan Security Forces joined the rogue National Cámra and demanded the appointment of a new governor-general. Maylakan Palace, the official residence of the Governor-General, was fortified to prepare for a raid. In a last-ditch attempt, Abello made a televised address to call for the people's support. More 1 million people filled the streets of Tondo between March 23-31, 1987. It rivaled the February 16 demonstrations that saw 900,000 attendees. On March 31, Colonel Artemio A. Tadiar, a Nayongan Army officer on the ground, ordered his men to shoot at allegedly violent protesters. The chaos that ensued spiraled into mass riots. Thousands of demonstrators were killed by state forces. To regain control, on April 4, the Iverican government deployed 7,000 troops to occupy Tondo. The invasion went on for 8 days of intense fighting. The entire Nayongan Navy was sunk. The bombing of Fort Legazpi, the old government quarter, killed 24 civilians. 19 Iverican soldiers died. They were able to kill 45 NSF soldiers. On April 12, Field surrendered. She, her cabinet, and other secessionist officials were subsequently arrested. Most of them, including Field, were executed for high treason.

Elsewhere, Hukbala rebels and KMK activists rose up and took over secessionist provinces and cities. Iverica provided air support, supply drops, and reinforcements to aid the Hukbalas. White Nayongans fled the countryside raids on plantations, private largeholdings, and gated communities. They sought refuge in the well-defended urban centers. None lasted longer than the six weeks of continued fighting between the Nayongan loyalists, the Iverican expeditionary forces, and their newly gained Hukbala allies. Mountain City was the last White Nayongan stronghold. It surrendered on May 22.

Present

A new constitution was passed by the Iverican parliament in 1988. It amended the Nayonland Independence Act. A majority-rule, parliamentary democracy was finally established under the new Commonwealth of Nayonland. The specific deadline for independence was removed. Independence remained an end goal, but the power to grant it is reserved to the Primo of Iverica. Governor-General Abello received a mandate to organize a transitional government to prepare the implementation of the revised constitution.

The Junta of National Reconstruction, a provisional government, led by Abello oversaw the prosecution of human rights abusers in the White Nayongan government. The arrests captured nearly 5,000 secessionist officials and officers, specifically from Partido Morales and the Guardia Civil. Most of them were Anglians. Field, her ministry, and the defense staff were executed for high treason. Less than 500 of them escaped to Great Anglia, including Field's family. The right to vote and run for public office was revoked from low-ranking, secessionist civilian and military officials. Political and economic normalization were hampered by a series of military coups by dissatisfied factions of the Nayongan Defense Forces. Abello found it too dangerous to cede power and suspended the 1992 general elections. He appointed Franso Ramos as interim prime minister, the first Tagabay major-general and leader of the Christian-Salamid Front, a multi-party coalition of Bagong Progresista, URP, KMK, and the Salamid Democratic Party. As part of his reconciliation policy, the Ramos Ministry negotiated a ceasefire with the Huks in 1992 and promised general amnesty in 1994. This fell through due to the government's continued crackdown on radical organizations, including communists. In 1996, inflation peaked at a historic 50%. The White Nayongan-dominated eastern provinces saw sporadic protests demanding secession. Its organizers were charged with sedition and insurrection by the government. The capture of General Quin Bacardo, Field's army chief, led to mass White Nayongan protests in 1997, 1998, and 1999.

The spike of inflation rate to 9% in 2008 and the removal of subsidies and price controls caused the Onion Rebellion led by the Tacolic Church. There was a government crackdown on the barricades at San Sebastian Basilica and Colegio de Santa Escolástica, with reports that priests and nuns were killed. A pro-democracy NSF faction led by Nayongan Navy Lt. Olivar Trillanes staged the Oakwood Mutiny in 2009. They demanded the immediate dissolution of the junta. It ended peacefully after Abello dismissed Ramos. Ramos was succeeded by Gloriana Arroyo, the first Nayogan female prime minister.

The Christian-Salamid Front collapsed in 2011 after Bagong Progresista left and joined forces with Partido Morales. Tagabay actor José Estrada was the leader of the new coalition. He was elected by the junta on promises of a massive economic reconstruction and anti-crime crackdown. In 2013, Estrada lost a confidence vote after he received corruption charges. Sarah Labuh, leader of URP, became the new prime minister. The Huk rebellion finally ended on December 6, 2021, after the government negotiated an autonomous region in the Mountain Province. It granted them to form autonomous, KMK-led communes and establish direct democracy. Governor-General Sulayman VII, the first Tagabay to occupy the position, against expectations that general elections will be held in 2016, announced that there will be no elections until 2025 due to Iverican intelligence reports advising him against it.

Author's Notes:

Like the Vision Statement, I want to use the application as an opportunity to wurldbuild. I hope this will be accepted.

Front Desk: My reply to the thread
Vision Statement: Nayonland (Vision Statement)

Edited Sunday at 03:51 PM by Nayonland (see edit history)

[Nayonland]

A random Nayongan student's map

The map is folded to this part of Nayonland. A sticky note is attached to it. It reads:

The Dewanese live here. They are not a part of Nayonland. Unlike us, it is independent.

They were not always an enclave. The kingdom used to be bigger than this.

[Xio]

This is really well made, I don't think I have any reason to deny this nor do I think there'd be any other locations on Eurth where your country could work better in its current form. I do just want to ping @Iverica for permission to use their country in your history.

Afterwards, I'd recommend speaking with @Pecario. Iverica once controlled Manamana and I imagine that's the route through which the Ivericans controlled Nayonland. Pecario is the main contributor to Manamana's history if I remember correctly, so I'd speak to them about any possible conflicting history.

Edited November 29 by Xio (see edit history)

[Nayonland]

8 hours ago, Xio said:

This is really well made, I don't think I have any reason to deny this nor do I think there'd be any other locations on Eurth where your country could work better in its current form. I do just want to ping @Iverica for permission to use their country in your history.

Afterwards, I'd recommend speaking with @Pecario. Iverica once controlled Manamana and I imagine that's the route through which the Ivericans controlled Nayonland. Pecario is the main contributor to Manamana's history if I remember correctly, so I'd speak to them about any possible conflicting history.

Thank you! I am excited for Nayonland to be officially added on the map.

I am actually in ongoing talks with the writer behind Iverica. It has been going when I was still an academy candidate. Discussions with them helped me plan the wurldbuilding of Nayonland. But I haven't spoken to Manamana's writer Pecario. I'll make that my next priority.

[Orioni]

☝️ @Iverica and @Pecario For your attention.

[Iverica]

Approved