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Assembled Nations Transition Assistance Group for Caerlannach (ANTAGC)


Caerlannach

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Saturday, 5 May 1979
Anbrekport, Iwenland | Assembled Nations Headquarters

Brajan Sandić had been the Konfederacija Poja's Permanent Representative to the Assembled Nations for a little over a year now and had an otherwise unremarkable impact on either the Assembled Nations or any of its nation-states.  His appointment came after twenty-three years of Modern Poja's dominance of the Pojački government on a federal level and to say that stagnation had set in was to be seriously unplaying the situation.  With the burgeoning Heraq Crisis at home, Modern Poja was in above its head and President Gojko Šaponjić was hardly looking to make waves internationally as the country was facing yet another secession crisis not five years after having just ended one.  Yet the words of Diarmaid Uí Caerlann and the applause of members of the Assembled Nations struck him as beyond astonishing.  When Khristodoulos Khristiades finished, Brajan very quickly motioned to take the floor.

          Turning on his microphone, he looked around at the audience first, "Why are you clapping?  Why would anyone clap at hearing that a government is purposefully and willfully embarking upon a path of gross negligence to its people?  You who are clapping are condoning a government abandoning its people.  If that is what your nations stand for than I cannot understand why you stand in this General Assembly looking to better mankind.

          "No, the Konfederacija Poja will not be part of this 'ideological experiment' as my Tagmatine colleague has called it.  Your government," here he looked to Caerlann,  "your government is purposefully and intentionally embarking upon this path and telling the wurld, 'Well if you don't help us our people will suffer.'  Your people will suffer not because of the wurld but because of the choices you make.  You want us to stand here and protect you from your own people, from your own choices.  That we're in the General Assembly of the Assembled Nations and not an eight-year-old's bedroom is even more astounding.

          "Your government is appalling for this decision and no one who clapping shall ever be able to stand, with credibility, and lecture any nation on one's duty to their people.  You come here before the Assembled Nations and request that it bails you out of this juvenile and ridiculous choice so that you do not have to incur the consequences of your actions.  You ask nations to allocate resources, budgetary funds, and their own reputations at stake so that you can sleep soundly at night while your people suffer.  I've not heard a single measure on how your government expects to compensate the nations that must put themselves on the line to protect you.

          "It is thus where I must diverge from the words of my Tagmatine colleague.  The Konfederacija Poja will have no part in this nor would we encourage any nation to do so.  The leaders of Caerlannach should reap what they sow instead of getting a free pass.  This is not some hypothetical mock simulation in a college classroom, this is the real wurld and peoples' lives are at stake by this foolish decision.  I can only hope that the Caelanni people wise up to the neglect of their government."  With that, he clicked off the microphone and leaned back, incensed by not only the ridiculously of the request but that any nation would clap in support.  It made Brajan wonder what the whole point of the Assembled Nations was if nations were supportive of this.


• • • † • • •

Posted

Diarmaid Uí Caerlann, though visibly nervous, took a deliberate moment to calm himself as he wiped his brow with an old, nearly frayed handkerchief, a quiet symbol of humility in a room that saw itself filled with polished decorum. Despite the weight of the setting and the gravity of the responses to his proposal, Diarmaid exhaled, steeled himself, and slowly rose once more, clutching the microphone with both hands, not out of uncertainty, but as if to anchor himself.

“Honored representatives,” he began, his voice firm but unassuming, “I deeply appreciate the weight of your concerns, and I understand fully the depth of skepticism directed at our approach. To many of you, this may seem like a departure from governance as you know it.” He paused, letting the silence and anticipation build before reaching into his suit and pulling out a small, weathered book. “This may appear odd to some, but our Gotneskan colleagues will surely recognize it.” He raised the book – a Caerlanni-translated copy of the Charter of the Assembled Nations – high for all to see.

Diarmaid opened to a page he had carefully marked, an act not missed by the room. He read with a calm yet deliberate tone. “Chapter I, Article 1: one of the primary purposes of this body is ‘to develop friendly relations among nations based on respect for the principle of equal rights and self-determination of peoples, and to take other appropriate measures to strengthen universal peace.’ Honored delegates, this is why I stand before you today.”

The nervousness seemed to fade as he closed the book, a quiet strength emerging in his stance. “This is, as the honorable Mr. Khristiades observed, indeed uncharted territory. But let me clarify, this is not recklessness, nor escapism. It is a serious endeavor to establish a kind of governance that holds itself radically accountable to its people, a governance rooted in Caerlanni values, not as an ‘experiment’ but as an honest attempt at living our commitment to peace and self-determination.”

He looked steadily at the audience, regaining full command of his voice. “Referring to this transition as an ‘ideological experiment,’ however, misses the point. We have seen similar paths in other histories, where leaders made bold, difficult choices. The Holy Emperor Leon III’s struggles, for example, were nothing less than revolutionary. The Poja Confederacy, too, has experienced upheavals despite long periods of peace.” His eyes briefly met Khristiades and Sandić with a steady, unapologetic gaze. “Let us not reduce these transitions to mere ‘experiments’. We all know that change often requires bravery, and at times, risk.”

Diarmaid continued, this time more animated, drawing from a well of conviction. “If our aim was destabilization, Caerlannach could have chosen conflict long ago. We could have dissolved in the chaos of neighboring wars, taken advantage of internal strife, even pursued expansion as some might have feared. Instead, we chose restraint, we chose peace, we chose freedom—freedom to live by our own traditions, beliefs, and ideas.”

By now, the room was silent, absorbed in his words. “Caerlannach has been under Gotneskan control since medieval times. For many, especially our nomadic peoples, the very idea of ‘freedom’ has remained foreign. But now, after generations, we have an opportunity to live as Caerlanni. Not to create a mockery of governance, but to build something respectful, something true to our heritage.” His voice softened but grew all the more powerful for it. “We are not the oldest state, nor are we ‘God’s chosen’. But we are Caerlanni. We are a people who desire only to be true to ourselves.”

Diarmaid paused, allowing his final words to settle in the room, words that would stay with each representative long after he left the podium. “And, before I sit, allow me to borrow a Fragran phrase, con-condemnant quod non intellegunt, they condemn what they do not understand.” He allowed himself a brief, respectful nod toward Khristiades, his expression shifting to one of a quietly respectful challenge. “I may lack your fluency, Mr. Khristiades, but I trust my meaning is clear. Oh, and please extend Caerlannach’s uttermost regards to His Majesty Demetrios VI.”

With careful dignity, Diarmaid gathered his notes, straightened his jacket, and returned to his seat, a quiet sigh escaping him as he realized the impact of his words would stay long after his voice faded.

Posted

Ambassador Aster Brook rubbed his forehead while thinking about the Caerlanni ambassador's words. In fact, he wasn't entirely certain how to even approach this situation. He wasn't even sure if the people of Caerlannach even needed their help. He went over his notes again and turned on his own microphone to address the nervous ambassador.

"Mr. Uí Caerlann, the Kingdom of Seylos is very much aware of the Assembled Nations charter. And through our diplomatic exchanges with other nations, Seylos itself hopes to be seen in the light of Article 1. However we aren't here because Caerlannach wants simple friendly exchange or is facing a threat that could destroy its people's rights, we are here because your nation is trying to make the case that it is unstable enough to require organized AN intervention."

Brook went through his earlier notes again and quickly noted some information in his work folders about Caerlannach. He had to admit to himself he had little knowledge of the territory before today and had to do some quick last minute research to get somewhat up to speed on the nation. Even though most Seylosians were familiar with countries in Yeetland, Caerlannach obviously didn't make much noise, and with the chaos of the past few years, it shouldn't surprise anyone that people wouldn't be deeply familiar with it.

"What I am struggling to understand is where there would be a need for soldiers of any nation to appear in your country? Is there political unrest that brewing that this body hasn't been made aware of? Fighting between the various tribes of Caerlannach? And if this is happening, are you asking for the AN to step in as a sort of de facto negotiating body between all of the tribes of Caerlannach? I can't help but agree with my Tagmatine colleague in that this situation, if there even is one, has been created by a lack of a governing body that enforce peace within your state." Paul sighed and then continued, "As for humanitarian aid, is there evidence you wish to bring forward of suffering from your people? Food insecurity? If any of this exists I'm sure this body would want to hear it out."

"Independent from an official AN response," Brook continued, "Seylos is always willing to help nations facilitate peace internally and provide aid during times of crisis. In this case though we don't see a crisis. The people of our nation are of course always ready to invest in states they see potential in, however in Caerlannach's case we want to make sure we don't accidentally disrupt your way of life while doing so. On the subject of aid Seylos more than happy to send individuals to help with diplomatic training within your government, but when it comes to peacekeeping or delivering humanitarian cargo we are unsure where to even start or if there is even a need."

Posted

Saturday, 5 May 1979

Assembled Nations Headquarters, Anbrekport, Iwenland

As he sat among the distinguished delegates in the grand hall of the Assembled Nations, Mr Abimelech Gulema nervously adjusted his tie. Only recently appointed as Orioni's Permanent Representative, he was very much aware of the weight his words would carry. Not only was he the first male to hold this position under Chairlady Beza Menkir Alem's Motherland Movement, but he also represented a nation still healing from the scars of the Thalassan War of decades past.

His appointment had been a surprise to many within Orioni's political circles. In late 1978, the Motherland Movement ran on an election platform known for its emphasis on national strength and economic self-reliance, often favouring seasoned figures who embodied the party's ideals. Yet, Chairlady Alem saw something in Gulema. Perhaps it was his pragmatic mind and cautious approach to foreign affairs that aligned with the party's current direction? Or, who knows, maybe she chose him because he was married to her cousin?

As the AN debate unfolded around Caerlannach's unprecedented request, Gulema was paying close attention. The passionate plea from Diarmaid Uí Caerlann, followed by the sharp replies from Tagmatium and Poja, and the measured responses from other nations. A lot of diplomatic posturing and genuine concern. His mind became distracted when he remembered Orioni's own history, recalling the pleas for assistance that went unanswered during the darkest days of the Thalassan War. Those memories of his youth in the 1940s, when coastal cities lay in ruins and communities struggled to make due with whatever meagre supplies survived the Matroilanese torpedoes.

Gulema snapped out of it after a nudge from Mr Brajan Sandić, his alphabetically assigned neighbour from @Poja. Taking a deep breath, Gulema pressed the button on his microphone. After a short crackle of static, his muffled voice sounded through the chamber. “Esteemed delegates of the Assembled Nations, I bring you greetings from the people of Orioni.” He paused to look around. “We have listened carefully to the appeal from our colleague representing Caerlannach, as well as the responses from other distinguished representatives. Orioni holds deep respect for the sovereignty of nations and the right of peoples to determine their paths.”

“It is in this light,” he continued, “that we recognise the responsibilities that come with sovereignty. The decision to fundamentally restructure a nation's governance is a profound one, with far-reaching implications for the nation itself, as well as its neighbours and the broader international community.”

“As a nation still recovering from its own recent trials, the Orinese government understands the challenges of rebuilding and the importance of self-reliance. During our time of need, we found that we had to stand on our own, to draw upon our strength and resources to overcome adversity. It was a difficult path, but it forged a resilience in our people that we carry with us today.”

Gulema folded his hands thoughtfully. “In light of this, and considering our current focus on national recovery and safeguarding the region's stability in our Orient, the Orinese government does not see a direct role for itself in intervening in Caerlannach's internal affairs. We believe that the primary responsibility for this transition lies with the Caerlanni people and their leaders.”

He nodded respectfully toward Diarmaid Uí Caerlann. “We encourage Caerlannach to engage in open dialogue within its communities, to seek solutions that honour their traditions while ensuring the well-being and security of all its citizens. Should there come a time when there is a clear and immediate humanitarian need, Orioni would, of course, consider ways to assist through appropriate international channels.”

“In conclusion, we empathise with the complexities of your nation's journey, and will prioritise our commitments and resources toward the appropriate national interests and regional responsibilities. We trust that Caerlannach will find the wisdom and courage to chart its course.”

“Thank you.”

Now that he had finished speaking, Gulema switched off his microphone, and leaned back in his chair. The apathy of his government's position weighed heavily on him. But this was what he had to do to stay in the good graces of the Chairlady. Deep down, though, he felt a nagging sense of sympathy for Caerlannach. He glanced toward the large windows of the assembly hall, becoming lost in thought again. The wurld was a complicated place. Gulema remembered the hardships faced by nations that had to confront their challenges alone. His memories of Orioni's struggles, their isolation during the war, and the ever-present tension with neighbouring communist @Ide Jima to their north reminded him that caution was more than policy, it was survival. The seas around Orioni had protected them, but they had also isolated them. Perhaps that was the price of sovereignty.

OOC. Great story idea, good contributions. I don't we've explored my of the 1970s lore. Mr Abimelech Gulema was invented to fit the story's timeframe. My in-character reply is made to fit the meagre outline of my country's political situation during that period. I also want to establish the antecedent of Orioni not intervening in Argic affairs, to contrast with present-day activities. It was that previous non-interventionist stance (and its consequences) which led to the later change of mind.

TL;DR: we have our own issues to deal with, so you're on your own.

Posted

May 5th, 1979 (05.05.1979)
Assembled Nations Headquarters 
Anbrekport, Iwenland

          Colonel and Ambassador Gustaf Blefon sat with a visible scowl as he sat through the ambassadors' speeches, his military dress uniform looking somewhat out of place among the ties and blazers. Whilst he agreed with the general feeling of scepticism that resonated within the halls as each nation took their turn to speak, his disagreement rested in the belief that said nations weren't sceptical nor hostile enough to the proposed idea.

          It'd been nearly eight years since the 1971 Stedorian coup d'état in the middle of the Second Argic War, in which the dictatorial King Telvan X was overthrown and replaced by a gemotamist republican military junta under, frankly, the equally dictatorial rule of Commander-in-Chief Läkhart Viktor Drejlär.

          Anarchism had little to no history within Stedoria save for a few small, historical organisations. The most prominent “anarchist” experience, at least in the eyes of the junta, was in the year prior to the coup: state institutions has practically ground to a halt, and the government ceased to perform much of its basic functions. To Stedoria, this is what anarchism was and what it meant. This was, additionally, not helped by the fact that “anarchist” had become a byword used by the junta for régime opponents. In the eyes of the junta, this proposal by Caerlannach was a country's equivalent to suicide.

          As the Orinese ambassador, Abimelech Gulema, finished his speech, Blefon cleared his throat before beginning his own speech.

          “A government must be the people, and the people must be the government; this is the guiding principle of the Free and Independent State of Stedoria and, perhaps, may be the guiding principle of other nations.” Blefon paused for a moment, looking around the assembly. “Thus, a government embarking on such a path as that of Caerlannach's is embarking on a path of the abandonment of its people, its sovereignty, and its dignity. Should this be enacted, this shall be a regrettable victory of anarcho-barbarism over the unyielding force of progress.”

          “What the wurld is seeing here is a nation deliberately attempting to refuse to engage in the most basic instruments of government. A nation is requesting the presence of armed AN personnel in order to prevent hordes of anarchist tribal bandits to engage in unprecedented brigandage across an entire nation: a problem that they will have willfully dug themselves into. I believe I need not remind the wurld the general principle of untested systems and régimes: there is no precedent, and thus, there is no backup plan. What we see here is an entire population being made into test subjects for the sake of politics.”

          “Indeed, whilst the Revolutionary Government of the Armed Forces and our enlightened Commander-in-Chief do, with the most zealousness, support the sovereignty and independence of nations for their own peoples to determine their futures, our government equally shall zealously critique anarchism seeking to destroy nations and petty tribal feuds leaving nations underdeveloped and miserly.”

          “Thus,” continued Blefon, preparing to end his speech. “The Free and Independent State of Stedoria cannot support the decision of Caerlannach nor any Assembled Nations mission that may arise from this proposal.” Belfon stated matter-of-factly, before leaning back into his chair, his scowl not withdrawing.

Posted

Assembled Nations Headquarters
Anbrekport, Iwenland — May 5, 1979

As the Stedorian ambassador finished his speech, Ernesto Ramírez Vázquez, dressed sharply in a dark suit accented by the golden lapel pin of a jaguar, Pecario’s national emblem, rose from his seat with an air of calm authority. His voice, rich and deliberate, filled the assembly hall with a cadence that commanded attention, though it lacked the bark of a soldier. Ramírez was no general, but he was every bit the mouthpiece of Pecario's current authoritarian government.

“Distinguished delegates, estimados colegas, I thank you for this opportunity to address the assembly on a matter of profound importance—not just for the Assembled Nations, but for the integrity of the very concept of governance.”

He cast his gaze toward Diarmaid Uí Caerlann, the ambassador of Caerlannach, before addressing the room as a whole.

“Today, we find ourselves faced with an extraordinary request, one that defies the very principles upon which nations are built. To dissolve the structures of government and cast one’s fate into the hands of uncertainty… esto es una locura. Madness. But beyond madness, it is a betrayal—a betrayal of the duty every government holds to its people. For what is governance, if not the contract to provide stability, progress, and hope?”

Ramírez let the words settle for a moment, his tone softening slightly, as though offering the assembly the chance to reflect. Then, with a slight gesture of his hand, he continued.

“Allow me to speak plainly, my friends, as a representative of the Gran República de Pecario, a nation that knows all too well the costs of chaos. Eight years ago, my country stood on the precipice of ruin. A socialist regime, intoxicated with utopian dreams, sought to uproot the traditions of our people and plunge us into ideological experimentation. The result? Economic collapse, civil unrest, and a betrayal of the values that unite us as Pecarians.”

He straightened his posture, his voice rising slightly—not in volume, but in conviction.

“But Pecario did not fall into the abyss. Under the vision of El Presidente Gómez, we did what was necessary. Tomamos el control del destino de nuestra nación. We took control of our nation's destiny. Through discipline, through order, and yes, through sacrifice, we restored what had been broken. Today, Pecario is not perfect, but it is strong, it is stable, and it is moving forward—because we understand that a nation cannot thrive without autoridad y dirección. Authority and direction.”

Ramírez now turned directly toward Uí Caerlann, his voice taking on a tone of restrained incredulity.

“And yet, we are asked today to entertain the notion that a nation might voluntarily abandon its sovereignty, dismantle its structures, and invite foreign soldiers to maintain order. Forgive me, but this is not progress. It is surrender. Surrender to uncertainty, to tribalism, to the chaos of the past. And what of the people of Caerlannach? Are they to be left adrift, mere spectators to their own fate, as their leaders wash their hands of responsibility?”

He spread his hands, as if addressing the entire room, inviting them to see the absurdity.

“I ask this assembly: is this what we stand for? Is this the legacy we wish to leave—a wurld where governance is optional, where the hard work of leadership can be discarded like an old coat? Por favor, seamos serios. Let us be serious.”

He paused, allowing the gravity of his words to hang in the air. Then, with a more measured tone, he concluded.

“Pecario cannot and will not support this proposal. Not because we lack compassion for the people of Caerlannach—on the contrary, it is because we understand the weight of leadership. Leadership is not a burden to be shrugged off when it becomes inconvenient. It is a duty, a sacred trust. And while Pecario respects the sovereignty of nations, we believe that sovereignty must be earned through strength, through vision, and through the will to face challenges head-on—not by inviting others to shoulder the burden.”

With a faint, almost imperceptible smile, Ramírez nodded toward the assembly.

“Thank you, colegas. May wisdom guide our decisions today.”

As he stepped back from the podium, Ramírez briefly caught Colonel Blefon's eye. His expression softened into a subtle, almost imperceptible nod—a quiet acknowledgment between two representatives of regimes that understood the necessity of strength, discipline, and the unyielding power of authority. Returning to his seat, Ramírez’s face remained composed, though the slight lift of his chin betrayed a quiet confidence.

  • 2 weeks later...
Posted

Sekhemrekhuatawy, heir apparent for the title of Nomarch of Iabet-er, openly laughs at the insanity of the Caerlanni proposal. If they want to dissolve their state, that makes them a non-state actor, and therefore ripe for conquest. That they want to outsource their sovereignty to the Glubal community, Abject Insanity! Fortunately Akhenaten XXVII agrees with him. So as his first public appearance as Ambassador of Per-Aten at the Assembled Nations he stands and places his arms across his chest as if holding the Crook and Flail of his not yet dead father. He then looks into the eyes of the Caerlanni Apostate and begins his speech:

“Honorable Representatives of the Legitimate, Legal Governments of Eurth, I find the very idea of a Legitimate, Legal Government deciding that it is not a government farcical. If @Caerlannach wants to be represented here, then it can be a Nation State. If it wishes to be a Stateless Nation, then The Lord of the Two Lands, Akhenaten XXVII, Great in his Lifespan, requests to have the territory of the former Free State of Caerlannach purchased by the Crown of Per-Aten as real estate. Seeing as they have no Legitimate, Legal Government, and @Gotneska seem unwilling to rule these Illegitimate, Ungoverned Outlaws. in addition, Per-Aten also moves to Barr the Illegitimate, Non-Governmental Organization from further participation in the AN as they are no more a Nation than the Toledo Group is. To allow further discussion of the idea of a Stateless Nation being represented here is farcical at best and insulting at worst,”
 

Sekhemrekhuatawy swings his right hand across his chest to his side, Laughs, then sits.

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