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The founding treaty of the Council of Democratically-Aligned Nations of Argis

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The Office of the President
25 August 2023

Cabinet of Ministers
Parliamentary Assembly
Concilium Nationum Argium Democraticarum Conformium

Dear Member-States of the Concilium Nationum Argium Democraticarum Conformium:

Through democracy, nations can strive to great heights and that is why the Konfederacija Poja looks upon the democratic ideals with reverence and adoration.  The Konfederacija Poja's commitment to democratic ideals is unquestioning and, as such, it is in the interest of the Konfederacija Poja to look favorably upon nations and organizations that strive to promote and uphold democratic ideals.

With humble appreciation, it is my pleasure to announce that the House of Magnates has reviewed and overwhelmingly approved of the charter of the Concilium Nationum Argium Democraticarum Conformium and as such, it is my honor to request membership for the Konfederacija Poja under the provisions of Articles 3 and 36.  It is the desire of the Konfederacija Poja to become a member of the Concilium Nationum Argium Democraticarum Conformium upon its effectiveness on 1 January 2024.

His Excellency, the President of the Konfederacija Poja, Andrej Petrović, on behalf of the people of the Konfederacija Poja 


Edited by Poja (see edit history)
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Following the unanimous decision of the Cabinet of Ministers (as pre ratification, the Parliamentary Assembly has not been yet established), @Poja has been admitted as a member to the Council of Democratically Aligned Nations of Argis.

In accordance with Article 35 as the CDANA treaty has not been yet ratified, @Poja would be regarded as a founding member of the alliance.

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  • 4 months later...

Sarah II
Queen of Gotneska
Second Kingdom of Gotneska
18th November 2023

To the Honorable Representatives of The Council of Democratically Aligned Nations,

I extend greetings and goodwill from Gotneska. As a sovereign nation committed to the principles of democracy, justice, and collaborative progress, we express our sincere desire to join The Council of Democratically Aligned Nations.

Our nation's history is one marked by a steadfast dedication to democratic governance, human rights, and the pursuit of a just and equitable society. Recognizing the importance of fostering international cooperation, we believe that aligning ourselves with like-minded nations in your esteemed Council will not only strengthen our own democratic foundations but contribute to the collective advancement of democratic values on the glubal stage.

We are fully committed to upholding the principles outlined in your Council's charter and actively participating in its initiatives and endeavors. We believe that by joining hands with other democratically aligned nations, we can collectively address glubal challenges, promote peace, and foster a wurld that values freedom, equality, and justice.

In seeking membership, we affirm our dedication to open dialogue, cooperation, and the principles that underpin the Council's mission. We are eager to contribute our perspectives, experiences, and resources to the shared goals of the Council.

We kindly request the opportunity to engage in the necessary discussions and processes to facilitate our nation's inclusion within The Council of Democratically Aligned Nations.

Thank you for considering our application. We look forward to the prospect of contributing to a wurld where democracy thrives, and nations collaborate for the betterment of all.


Sarah II
Queen of Gotneska
Second Kingdom of Gotneska

Edited by Gotneska (see edit history)
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Wednesday, 22 November 2023 | 14:05 hrs [UTC-3]
Konfederacija Poja, Rugi, Central District | House of Magnates

The Pojački entry into the Council of Democratically-Aligned Nations of Argis had been a foregone conclusion from the moment that CDANA's objectives and positions were laid out earlier in the year. Of course, because it was a formal treaty, the Pojački legislature needed to vote on it with at least a two-thirds majority, meaning that twenty-four magnates had to vote “Yea” for the country to adopt it.  From there, it was off to the President for signing and his or her own approval.  Should the President veto the adoption, his own veto could be overridden with a three-fourths vote of the House of Magnates.  In cases like CDANA though, no veto from the President would matter since thirty-one of the thirty-five magnates approved of Poja ascension to the treaty.  Instantly, the President's veto was overridden by the preceding vote, not that President Andrej Petrović wanted to veto CDANA.  On the contrary, he saw it as a major positive for the Konfederacija Poja and happily signed the treaty in August.

          From there, the Pojački government had appointed a small working group within the House of Magnates to determine how the country was going to provide representation to CDANA.  Normally, as with the case of the Assembled Nations, this would simply require a cabinet-level appointment and nothing further, with said appointment being confirmed by the House of Magnates with a simple majority vote.  However, the CDANA treaty was overflowing with representative requirements.  To the Cabinet of Ministers, each nation was to send at least three persons, one of which was to be head of government.  That honor fell to Chancellor Jelena Jurić, but as for the other two representatives, that was up for interpretation.  The treaty assumed a single executive but the Konfederacija Poja had two and, as such, the cabinet resided with the President as head of state.  Appointing two members of the Pojački cabinet would be a daunting task and thus instead, the Konfederacija Poja would exercise the option for “entrusted representatives.”  

          The government wanted to ensure that all aspects of the Konfederacija Poja were represented in the Cabinet of Ministers.  The Chancellor would represent “the people” while a newly-created, cabinet-level position would represent “the Konfederacija Poja.”  The last representative would be chosen via majority-opinion from the Premiers, the head of each region, thus representing “the regions” and thus be subservient to the Premier Council, which was made up of the seven Premiers.  That part had been easy to establish, but when it came to the Parliamentary Assembly, that was where things got a little dicey.

          The Parliamentary Assembly of CDANA required ten representatives, “elected through party lists using a method that respect proportional representation, either directly by the populace or semi-directly based on the results of elections into the national parliaments.”  It made sense since CDANA was focused on democracy, but for a country that wouldn't have elections for some time, this presented a problem.  The working group essentially tried to find a way to position ten representatives across seven regions and though multiple solutions were presented, what was ultimately settling was one representative per region and three elected by the country as a whole.  A special election would need to be held and one had been scheduled for the first Monday of December, 4 December, which had now been declared a national holiday as a result. Elections in Poja were required to be treated as a national holiday to ensure there was no voter disenfranchisement.  Logistically, it had been a bit messy for the Pojački government.  Term length would be a bit problematic since it seemed that CDANA itself didn't have a specific term length but rather complied with what the domestic term lengths would be.  The Pojački government thought this would be very erratic and, in its first session, would propose the unification of term lengths to five years so that the entire Parliamentary Assembly was on the same term length at the same time.  

          Then there was the question of sending two additional representatives who had served in high office before, which was ultimately limited to an executive position of either Chancellor, President, or Vice President.  That would be something difficult for the Konfederacija Poja since it was expected that, when someone was defeated in an election, or retired from politics, that they embrace their departure from power.  There were no official laws or rules and defeated incumbents certainly ran for office again, but none had actually won a term after losing an election.  It was an odd dynamic for a country that had defined term limits but no limits on the number of terms someone could serve in office.  The working group had yet to solve that issue, and they still had some time.  In the meantime, decisions on CDANA were being fielded by the three people appointed to be on the Cabinet of Ministers, Chancellor Jelena Jurić, Bogumir Mroczek, who was representing the Konfederacija Poja, and Sergey Tsokov, representing the regions.  Of the three, because of her position as Chancellor, Jurić was the de facto leader.

          Since Poja's acceptance into CDANA, the three had met only twice before.  The first had been to introduce Mroczek and Tsokov following their appointments, and the second had been when the working group settled on how the members of the Parliamentary Assembly would be chosen.  Now they had been called together to discuss the application of the Second Kingdom of Gotneska, which Sarah II, Queen of Gotneska had submitted over the weekend.  Within hours of the start of business on Monday, the application had been filtered down to the member nations of CDANA and now came the simple process of approving, or denying, Gotneska's application.  For a nation such as Gotneska, it was largely a formality.

          In Jurić's office, the three were seated in a specific sitting area that was away from her desk and where the three were on equal footing, symbolically at least.  Jurić sat in an armchair as did Mroczek while Tsokov had taken up residence on the couch.  In the middle was an ornate coffee table that was three centuries old. It served for the placement of their tea and coffee cups, each on its own saucer atop a handknit doily that protected the table's surface from damage.  Tsokov had taken it upon himself to reach the application, which had been forwarded to them, placing it on the couch beside him when he was done.  The others had their own copies but had felt reading through it was at least important.  “Well, I think it goes without saying that this is merely a formality, correct?”  Tsokov asked of the others.

          “Gotneska and Poja have had a long history of friendly relations with one another, and their commitment to the democratic ideal is hardly in question.  There's a reason we have the level of cordial relations we have,” Jurić said through sips of her tea.  “I don't think there's any controversy to be had here, and the fact that Gotneska wasn't approached from the start is perhaps the only thing controversial.  Regardless of that matter, I believe we're unanimous?”

          “I am,” Tsokov answered, his answer a foregone conclusion given how he started the conversation.

          The two of them looked at Mroczek who, for all intents and purposes, was the quietest person in any room.  He was a man of few words and even fewer ideas.  He had hardly been Jurić's preferred pick, but Mroczek's appointment to the position seemed to be decided even before the working group decided on how it would divvy up the two positions.  It was because Mroczek was a leader in United Poja and though he'd never held office and never run for office, he was instrumental behind the scenes.  Rumor had it that he'd worked in intelligence before joining United Poja in the 2000s, but no one really knew much about the fifty-two-year-old man.  To Jurić, Mroczek's presence was simply to be a vessel for Petrović's own agenda, which sometimes certainly conflicted with her own. This had been evident since the President decided to send Pojački forces in support of Gallambria and Iverica the year prior.  

          He's a mole.  Maybe there's some truth in his career as an intelligence operative, Jurić thought to herself as she and Tsokov waited for him to respond.  Mroczek merely looked at them over his glasses, an expression of boredom on his face.  With a nod he said only, “I have no reason to disagree” and that was all he said, all he would say for the rest of the meeting.  

          “Then it's settled,” Tsokov leaned forward and put the announcement on the table and traded it for his coffee, which had grown lukewarm in the interim since he'd last put it down.  He'd finish it off in a single gulp and checked his watch.  “Given we still have some time on our meeting and I don't think any one of us want to waste the trip, does anyone have any thoughts to the requirement for two ex-executive representatives?”  Certainly, they had thought about the requirement, but no one had any overwhelming opinions either way.

          By the end of the day, a letter would be drafted to the member-states of CDANA fully supporting the ascension of the Second Kingdom of Gotneska into the treaty.


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