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Proposal: Assembled Nations Task Force for the Abolition of Slavery (ANTFAS)


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AN HQ, 1 June 2010

In the almost cavernous expanse of the assembly hall,  many whispers dominated the room. However, for Mr Alemu Dawit, the Permanent Representative for Orioni, the external noise was only a distant murmur, silenced by the racing of his own thoughts.

As Aimé Aforciori took the stage, representing the ‘Lights of Liberty’, Dawit couldn't help but notice the young man's bearing: the unmistakable marks of nicotine addiction, that herringbone suit, and the confidence of youth. “Quite an interesting choice for a representative,” Dawit thought, while listening intently to Aforciori's speech. The emphasis on exempting the 'Lights of Liberty' from sanctions intrigued him. The @Florentians appeared to be playing both sides. “They want to claim the moral high ground, while also preserving their economic interests,” Dawit reasoned. “If we back the @Gaellician proposal and the Lights of Liberty are exempted, will this create a precedent? What if in the future Orioni faces sanctions? Can we rely on the same nuanced distinctions to shield specific areas of our nation or economy?”

Then, as Aforciori highlighted the possible harms of military intervention, Dawit's strategic thinking shifted to the military logistics and the realpolitik of the situation. “Aforciori is right: military intervention could destabilise the region further. It's a Pandora's box. But, if they're open to other forms of pressure, perhaps Orioni can use diplomatic channels for influence without direct involvement.”

No sooner had Aforciori finished, Leonid Belov of @Garindina stepped forward, carrying with him an air of grave earnestness. The stories of Garindina's recent struggles were known to Dawit. He certainly empathised with their trauma of civil war, having witnessed similar strife in many other parts of the Eurth.

As Belov painted the dire picture of Garindina's dependence on Florentian trade, Dawit's thoughts spiralled into a whirlpool of scenarios and implications. “Garindina is vulnerable. So if the international community pushes for sanctions, they’ll be caught in the crossfire. And if Orioni supports such sanctions, what message are we sending to other nations that might be in Garindina's position in the future?”

These diplomatic responsibilities weighed heavily on Dawit's shoulders. Every decision, agreement or disagreement, had far-reaching consequences. In his mind he  began sketching out multiple scenarios:

  1. Fully support the Gaellician proposal? This would align Orioni with the moral high ground, but might strain relations with trading partners and allies. Would it be perceived as an inconsistency with his government’s policy of putting 'Orioni First'?
  2. Support with reservations? Perhaps Orioni could back sanctions but voice concerns about military intervention, aligning with 'Lights of Liberty's' stance. This seemed a diplomatic middle-ground.
  3. Stay neutral? The safest play, but it might be perceived as Orioni dodging responsibility or being indifferent to the scourge of slavery.

By the end of Belov's speech, Dawit was left with much to think about. While he couldn’t draw any immediate conclusions, he recognised the importance of ongoing dialogue, both internally within Orioni and with other nations. The complexity of this situation highlighted the need for a clear and firm decision. One that balanced between principle, strategy, and pragmatism.

(OOC. Again, just to be clear: personally I'm not against this, but IC this is a no-go for my country’s government of 2010. For more context, please read the OOC explanation at the end of  my previous reply.)

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MacAlpine stood once again, splendid in his dark green suit. He looked around the room, gauging the present actors.

“I am pleased to have struck a nerve with the assembly, and I am glad to see such enthusiasm.”

The Gaellcian representative made a show of looking around the room once more.

“While I deplore @Florentia and its chattel slavery, I want to be clear on the purpose of this proposal. The goal of ANTFAS is not to single out individual states at the expense of other areas. Slavery is a glubal issue; to end it, an effort will have to be made wurldwide. While Florentia would certainly be an area of interest, they are not the only state with a significant slave population.” On this last line, he turned himself deliberately to face the permanent representative from @Xio. “Nor are the slave states themselves the only guilty party.”

“We began this discussion with a three-pronged approach. This is how Gaellicia envisions ANTFAS combatting the scourge of slavery, but in reality, that is up to ANTFAS itself. The concern of this body, and this meeting, is whether ANTFAS will actually be established, the extent of it’s powers, the composition of its leadership, the mechanism for which it will conduct its business, and the amount of resources it will receive.”

The Gaellician resolution is as follows:

  • The ANTFAS body will be composed of 7 member states.
  • The General Assembly will determine member states in a floor vote after a period of self nomination.
  • ANTFAS member composition will be decided every 3 years.
  • ANTFAS will select from itself a chair person.
  • Each year, the task force will draft a budget and a request for assets. The former will be put to the approval or the disapproval of the General Assembly in a vote while the latter will be at the discretion of AN members to meet.
  • The Task Force will answer to the First Secretary.
  • ANTFAS will have the power to draft treaties and sanctions and put them to the approval of the First Secretary.  
  • ANTFAS will have broad investigatory powers and the right to summon witnesses, experts and perpetrators of slavery.
  • The mission of ANTFAS will be to end slavery in all forms wurldwide. It will be permitted to use all available resources to accomplish this goal however it sees fit so long as its methods remain within established international law.

OOC: This is just a starting point. This is my proposal for ANTFAS. Make a counter-proposal with additions or edits, or put forward your own resolution entirely.

Once a resolution or multiple resolutions are agreed on, we can vote on each one to decide if it passes or not.

Edited by Gaellicia (see edit history)
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Tuesday, 1 June 2010
Anbrekport, Iwenland | Assembled Nations Headquarters

When Modern Poja swept to electoral victory in 2001 it was no surprise, especially in the wake of the scandals that beset President Mileta Dapčević and his successor, President Željko Vasić, both the latest representatives from the once dominant Pojački Democratic Party (PDS).  Riding the tide of victory, President Aca Vukašinović came into office vowing to scrub from the annuls of bureaucracy the entrenched PDS appointees and functionaries who'd built themselves small fiefdoms in nearly every corner of the government.  The PDS had first come to power in 1921 and held onto that power until 1956 when Modern Poja claimed its first victory, which held through 1986, thirty years of party dominance that ended with a whimper as Modern Poja's messaging failed to keep up with the country's voters.  When PDS swept back to victory in 1986, they came at a crucial time for the country with a wave of retiring bureaucrats and vacating ministry positions.  They used that to flood the government with loyal PDS party members who, for just the price of admission could rule their own little fiefdom.  Included was Ambassador Idris Salihovic from Dosnima and a loyal, PDS adherent.  

          Ambassador Salihovic's thirteen-year tenure as Permanent Representative of the Konfederacija Poja to the Assembled Nations had been fraught with scandal and controversy and yet he endured time and time again.  When Vukašinović came to power, Salihovic's own delusions of grandeur were swept out from under him when he was removed from the position only hours after Vukašinović had swore the oath of power.  Salihovic certainly had not left quietly but, in the end, he tucked tail and departed.  Though Vukašinović remained in power, Poja was on its third representative, the latest being the 58-year-old Milana Golubović who espoused her party's center-right politics.

          There had been rumblings for some time about today's debate and the Pojački government had endured hours upon hours of closed-door debate over whether or not to support the Gaellician proposal.  To oppose the Gaellician measure was to walk next to evil for there was no room in Pojački society or culture for slavery or indentured servitude of any kind.  In fact, the Treaty of Rugi expressly and very clearly prohibited servitude of any nature whatsoever, which had led to several spirited debates from the more intrepid lawyers looking to get their clients out of lengthy jail sentences, likening the Pojački prison system to servitude.  Though spirited and fought with considerable effort, the arguments always fell to pieces.  Slavery, of any form, was simply incompatible with the Pojački way of life in much the same way that communism was.  There was no beating around the bush, no exception which made it tolerable, no reason for its existence in the modern wurld.  

          Thus, one might expect the Pojački government to support the resolution, which seemed to be how the debate was going until Golubović brought up another principle of the Pojački way of life, that of non-intervention.  Standing before governmental leaders for what seemed like the hundredth time on the same topic, Golubović took to the floor and stated, "We cannot oppose this resolution, that would be unconscionable.  Yet, we cannot support it either."  Grumbles, coughs, and shocked faces stared across at her.  "What do I mean?"  She answered the question on so many peoples' minds.  "I mean that we cannot, in good faith, support this resolution for the precedent that it sets for this country and this government.  Slavery is diabolical and evil beyond any measure.  It is not to be tolerated, not to be encouraged, and not to be suffered but yet do we throw away all of our principles to fight just one?"  More blanks stares, "The Pojački point of view has always been of non-intervention.  Would we stand for another nation to dictate what we can and cannot do within our borders?  No.  How many nations would like to see the independence of Chernarus or Adjinua or Dosnima, how many nations would like to tell us that our use of the death penalty is incompatible with their morality and thus we must change.

          "Make no mistake, slavery is incompatible with our morality yet so much else is incompatible as well.  Should we make the exception today and set the precedent for tomorrow?  Poja stands upon the 'hill' - if you will - that we will not dictate to foreign nations what they should and should not do within their own borders, unless it directly threatens our national security and our very existence.  If tomorrow, the Balticans were to announce that they were stationing nuclear artillery on the border then we would face a direct threat.  If tomorrow, the Balticans should announce that they are forsaking paper money or making reading illegal, what business is it of ours?  Ridiculous concepts I understand but the point stands.  Would any of us in this room believe state-enforced illiteracy is compatible with our society?"  Heads shook.  

          "If we support this resolution, we invite a convoy of nations to gather at our door and to dictate how we should and should not run our affairs."

          "Then why are we even a member of the Assembled Nations?"  The question came from someone who was rather contemptable and yet still managed to cling to power, Magnate Dalibor Grčić from Adjinua and a member of the far-right Radical Poja party and the only member of said party to win in any election that wasn't a local election.  One of Radical Poja's tenants was the removal of the nation from the AN in order to adopt a more isolationist policy.  

          "We are a member because dialogue is more important than isolation, something you seem to have forgotten, or conveniently ignore," Golubović shot back, wondering how he managed to get invited to such discussions but then remembering that, in his position in the House of Magnates he'd managed to work his way onto the small but influential committee on international relations.  Golubović relished his electoral defeat though she doubted it would happen given the rather backwards area that was his constituency.  "Yes dialogue is more important than isolation, because the AN is the standard, not the other way around."

          "So, what is the proposal, we abstain?" Vukašinović asked to a now nodding Golubović.

          "It is our only option.  We make clear that we will abstain from this resolution, that we agree that slavery is a scourge upon the modern wurld but that the Konfederacija Poja has no business dictating to the nations of the wurld how to run their domestic affairs.  Other representatives will accuse us of cowardice but we hardly have anything to fear from the slaving nations of the wurld.  I doubt that if we were to come under attack from any of them that the rest of the international community would stand idly by, especially given their penchant for slavery.  

          "With that being said though, this is the stance that aligns closest with the principles of our nation."

          Eventually, Golubović's point of view was the victor, though by a slim margin and as such, she sat in the meeting on this late spring day listening to the representatives from those nations around Poja stand and announce their support or opposition to the measure.  ANTFAS was noble and it was valid, Golubović would not disagree nor would she disagree with their mission.  She, and every member of the Pojački government who was of value to society supported the ANTFAS mission and wished it unbridled success yet, Poja could not actively support it.  She would offer no comments for or against and when the voting came, she would cast her vote as she had been directed, ABSTAIN.


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