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Second Baltican Civil War

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TO: Free Republic of Kauni

FROM: Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Kingdom of Seylos



The people of Seylos are dismayed to see that Baltica has again been plunged into the horrors of civil war. At this point, most factions have presented themselves as poor options for leadership of the nation. The Kingdom of Seylos wishes to provide military and humanitarian support to provide for the people of Kauni during the perilous times. It should be worth noting that such support does not carry forward to supporting aggressive actions against any other factions in the civil war, and seeks to establish Kauni as a safe place for potential refugees to able to evacuate to with the proper support. We also hope to establish a no-fly zone over Kauni to prevent air attacks that could harm civilians during any campaigns from any side. We of course wish the same goals as the Kauni, the facilitate a peaceful diplomatic resolution of the conflict before it has the chance the claim many innocent lives.

We also wish to deploy two hundred Seylosian soldiers to the city of Kauni as a means of deterrence and as a peacekeeping force to ensure that military action from any side does not significantly damage the city. Again, we wish to reiterate that these military forces will not participate in any offensive action the Free Republic of Kauni wishes to embark on in the future.

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TO: The Free Republic of Kauni
FROM: The Directorate of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Fina

It is deeply saddening to see a proud country such as Baltica succumb to civil war once more, and to see its own people suffer from the ethnic divides which have splintered the former Republic is the most troubling aspect of this unnecessary conflict. While Fina does not wish to involve itself with any faction, and would typically avoid doing so, we see Kauni as a potential sanctuary for humanitarian efforts within Baltica, where relative peace shall be maintained. As such, Fina declares its support for the Free Republic of Kauni and all humanitarian action therein.

In accordance with this declaration, Fina will send a multitude of non-perishable food items, water, medical supplies, and other essential supplies to the Free Republic of Kauni provided by the Finan government to aid in humanitarian efforts. Similarly to previous countries, Fina will send its own force of 100 volunteering soldiers as peacekeepers to Kauni to defend and maintain peace within the city, in cooperation with the government of Kauni and other such forces within the city. We hope for a swift and peaceful resolution to the conflict in Baltica and hope that all Balticans may find safety and refuge.



Simona Sundberg
Director of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Fina

Edited by Fina (see edit history)
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The Seylosians had decided to take a different approach with this peacekeeping endeavor. Usually in situations like these, Seylos would push into a conflict zone and establish a zone of control to take in refugees as things spun out of control, usually in contested areas where the various sides wouldn't try to challenge them. However in this instance, with Kauni's goals being that of merely holding the line and keeping their citizens and infrastructure safe was the perfect opportunity to insert a peacekeeping force with little risk. It surprised Seylos that so many countries were willing to support Kauni, but it didn't surpise Seylos in the slightest that the Dolch were being supported by the usual actors. Their biggest concern was twofold, the Velaharians and Stedorians supporting the Dokestva which could potentially find themselves in conflict with the Kauni peacekeepers. The second being the Ateenian support of Baltija. Even if all the sides sidestep Kauni, the civil war could only be horrifyingly bloody.

The decision had been made then to send Brigadier Cameron Ryley, the leader of the Seylosian Marines that had first landed in Liechnenfax to defend the city against the horde of Sentists. His experience was deemed as critically necessary for the Seylosian presence in the city, and hopefully would make any future potential aggressors think twice before moving on an attack for the city. As the general who had held back a hundred thousand enraged Sentists with five hundred troops, he wasn't an opponent to be taken lightly. And his troops were veterans of the Sentist War, eager to make sure the horrors of Ceris didn't happen in Kauni again.

When they had arrived they were greeted with both a mix of excitement and skepticism. The Kauni weren't exactly thrilled to have foreigners going about their lands, but they weren't stupid either, they needed the help desperately in order to ensure that the territory wasn't burned to the ground in the impending conflict. However the Seylosians had one major stipulation that the Kauni had been hesitant to allow given the current crisis. They wanted to ensure that refugees had a safe harbor amongst the chaos, and had requested they refugees be allowed into the area around Viewa, as they were predicting the majority of the fighting would be in central Baltica near the city. They of course offered guarantees that these refugees would be cared for by the international peacekeeping force, but the Seylosians were staunch in their belief that there was little point in providing peacekeeping for a territory that may not see the full scale of destruction of a civil war. While they had not heard back yet on this, Brigadier Ryley was optimistic that the Kauni would allow them this. To sweeten the deal, almost half of the Seylosian military force was from the Royal Army Corps of Engineers to help take the pressure off the Kauni as they prepared their defenses.

The battle lines had already been started to be drawn and only time would tell if the peacekeepers could hold Kauni against the chaos.

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The Convention for a Free and Democratic Baltica

Vibrant crowds bustled around the central boulevard of Gottesberg’s Victoria Louise Convention Centre, queuing up at food vendors; wandering in and out of adjoining event halls; coping with AMFC Cup results; and showing off their weapons and tactical gear. While sipping coffee out of paper cups, they scrolled through military field manuals, numbers and basic phrases in Ras, and the Republic of Baltica’s iiWiki article on their smartphones. It looked just like any normal non-business convention. But few outsiders would guess this inconspicuous gathering to be the prelude to an undue escalation of an already-chaotic civil war on the opposite side of the planet.

The vast majority of these convention-goers are members of the Rhodellian ‘war tourist’ community. In Rhodellian culture, ‘war tourists’ are people who independently travel abroad to participate in foreign wars, in flagrant disregard for the Assembled Nations Mercenary Convention. Most of them are Rhodellian Army veterans who served at least one tour of duty in Nordwalde Province — a given, considering Rhodellia’s longstanding policies of universal conscription and frequent troop rotations. For any number of reasons (including some they may struggle to put into words), they are willing to leave their civilian lives behind to test their luck and embrace the suck on another battlefield. So when a high-intensity conflict breaks out anywhere in the Wurld, they march to the drumming of artillery fire like bees to a honeypot.  

The conveniences of the modern age have made war tourism more accessible than it has ever been. With just a smartphone and internet connection, war tourists can conduct open-source intelligence, network with each other using social media, get organised over VoIP and instant messaging platforms, plan routes to their battlefields of choice using web mapping platforms, apply for transit visas on consular websites, book commercial flights with travel agents online, and more. For Rhodellians, there are even travel agents that specifically cater to war tourists, offering services such as organising the transport of personal weapons, liaising with international arms dealers, and (when possible) establishing communications with factions in a given war. Globalisation, digitisation, and the modern media landscape have enabled a strange new generation of militaires sans frontieres.

When the Second Baltican Civil War broke out in February 2022, Rhodellian war tourists were quick to spring into action. On Threadit and other online spaces frequented by war tourists, they wasted no time in sharing news articles relating to the war, linking to PDFs of military field manuals, optimising each others' inventories, brainstorming viable routes to Baltica, and preparing advice for an expected wave of newcomers to their communities. With (You)s, upvotes, feedback loops, and memetics, they quickly built and collectively agreed upon an overarching goal: to join the ailing and desperate ‘Govir Baltican Army’ faction as foreign volunteers; wage an insurgency against the Republic of Dokestva; and establish a new faction that truly stood for freedom, democracy, and humanitarian values. It was an ambitious goal to be sure. But if they were going to get evaporated by Velaherian air strikes due to a complete lack of air superiority and modern air defences, they at least wanted the international media to report that it was for a noble cause.

The aforementioned IRL gathering at the VLCC — The Convention for a Free and Democratic Baltica — was organised by a group of Baltica-bound war tourists from the th/wartourists subthreadit, the largest online war tourist community with almost 100,000 registered members. After opening a JustFundMe page and starting a crowdfunding appeal, they could collectively afford to rent out the Auditorium, the North Gallery Meeting rooms, and Event Halls N1-N5 and S1-S5. These spaces enabled convention-goers to network with each other in person, purchase new war gear and supplies directly from arms manufacturers' stalls, meet with representatives from war tourism-specific travel agents, and familiarise themselves with key figures among ‘The Resistance’. Among the Special Guests invited to speak at the convention were General Alexandras of the Govir Baltican Army and retired Rhodellian Army colonel Sigfrid Nolüdajol (Dolchic: Siegfried Ritter von Nordufer).


When President Jonas’ Dokestvan Army destroyed the majority of the Govir Baltican Army in the Battle of Govir, General Alexandras and his surviving troops retreated to an old bunker somewhere in the hills of southern Baltica. Faced with total annihilation, Alexandras did what no other faction in the civil war has; he set aside his classic Baltican xenophobia and publicly appealed for foreign volunteers to refill the ranks of his army. The first to make contact with Alexandras were the Rhodellian war tourist community and delegates from its support industry. 

The organisers of The Convention for a Free and Democatic Baltica invited Alexandras to make a live appeal via an online video conference call, an offer he accepted. With his former headquarters in Govir now a smouldering ruin, Alexandras was reduced to speaking from inside a small and sparsely furnished office within the bunker. His camera feed was broadcasted to a big screen in the VLCC’s auditorium; instead of pity and laughter at how far he had fallen from grace, a crowd of roughly 2,000 attendees applauded him. Many of them wore camouflage and full battle dress; having not expected much of 'random civilians', Alexandras looked visibly surprised to see that many Rhodellians in the Auditorium were better-equipped than his own soldiers; many brandished weapons, tactical gear, and military accessories comparable to those sported by foreign interventionist forces in Kauni. And this boosted his confidence to speak.

Alexandras’ segment would last roughly an hour. He briefly conversed with the event organisers, spoke of how the Baltican Civil War was progressing from a Baltican’s perspective, and talked about how dire the Govir Baltican Army’s situation had become, and (without going into too much detail) shared his general plan to fight an insurgency against the Dokestvan military and retake Govir. He also conducted an impromptu Q&A session with the crowd members at the organisers' behest.

Alexandras answered quite a lot of questions. This involved going over instructions on how to rendezvous with GBA operatives on the Baltican border, giving details on how the GBA’s Training teams will evaluate their skills and assign them to different units once they reach the bunker, and some vague answers about his motivation for rebelling against the Baltican government. When asked about his apparent intent to establish a democratic constitutional republic, he just said that it ‘sounded like a nice idea’. Alexandras concluded by saying that he looked forward to greeting the crowd at the Baltican border, and that it would be an honour to be the first Balticans to ever fight alongside Rhodellians.

After Alexendras, it was Sigfrid Nolüdajol’s turn to speak.

Colonel Nolüdajol’s Speech (Transcript)

Sigfrid Nolüdajol is a Rhodellian knight, former Infantry officer, and second-generation Stedorian immigrant. He served in the Rhodellian Army between 1992 and 2018, retiring as a decorated and respected Colonel. Since retiring, he became an award-winning author, writing several bestselling books including ‘18 Hours’, ‘Forlorn Hope’, and ‘Kriegpolitik: Why Rhodellia can never find peace’. Nolüdajol is also a loving father of three with eight grandchildren. Nolüdajol was invited to speak at The Convention for a Free and Democratic Baltica because his former military rank made other Rhodellian war tourists joining the Govir Baltican Army turn to him for leadership. Because Nolüdajol's mother immigrated from Stedoria, that counted him as a Stedorian citizen jus sanguinis, which makes him subject to Stedorian law and thus liable to be arrested and prosecuted by Stedorian authorities should they catch him fighting for the insurgency against Dokestva.

Nolüdajol's speech was livestreamed onto The Convention for a Free and Democratic Baltica's official Volkscast channel. The broadcast was watched live by 3,466 concurrent viewers, but is bound to reach a wider audience as the video is shared and reposted on social media. Nolüdajol told the speech in Standard Dolchic, but community volunteers were quick to upload Laimiaic and Anglish subtitles to make it more consumable for an international audience.

“I am Sigfrid Nolüdajol — ‘Siegfried Nordufer’ in Standard Dolchic. And I am a retired Colonel who served 26 years in the Rhodellian Army. Like many other soldiers, I went career because I wanted to make a positive difference in the Wurld and be a force for Good. And it is for that same reason that, a few days from now, I — like many people sitting in this very hall — will be shipping out to fight in the on-going civil war in Baltica as a foreign volunteer, and not for any of the established factions you’re seeing on the news.

“As of today, the war we’re diving into will have gone on for two weeks. Much has changed in that time. Territories switched hands. New players stepped into the fray. Fighting intensified by the day as all the factions got on war footings. The crisis in Baltica captured the Wurld’s attention and got everyone and their grandmother praying for peace in Central Argis. But as the situation stands at the moment — even with all the foreign peacekeeping forces and humanitarian aid flooding into the country this early into the conflict —, the only course charted for Baltica is one of self-destruction.

“The ideal ending for Baltica is for its Ras and Baltian Dolch populations to reconcile, reunify, rebuild, and revitalise their shattered nation into something greater than ever before.

“This seems to be the ultimate goal for every party involved. As I understand it, the leader of each major faction — Arunas of The Baltican Republic, Nekolas Armenas of The Republic of Raskia, Jonas of The Republic of Dokestva, and Gedrus Izas of The Republic of Baltija — wants to be the last one standing on the battlefield, so Baltica can be reborn according to their own personal visions. Meanwhile, all the international forces intervening in the war at least want the swift restoration of peace and stability to Central Argis, and they’re trying to facilitate the process by supporting these factions. But there’s one big issue here:

“Without exception, all of the existing major factions are terrible, terrible options for Baltica’s future.

“To start off… Arunas vowed to restore The Republic Baltica ‘as it was before’. His goal is to preserve the same xenophobic, isolationist, and systemically racist dictatorship where a small Dolchic political elite can freely trample on the rights of their majority-Ras constituents. Arunas champions a flawed model of government, one that has already backfired spectacularly, having failed to resolve longstanding ethnic tensions and prevent the catastrophe his country is facing today.

“Izas and the Republic of Baltija, with its extreme Ras Nationalist ideology, are already facing international condemnation for systematically killing and expelling ethnic Dolchs from captured territories. I don't know exactly how big a scale this ethnic cleansing is happening on, but even just one count of genocide towards creating a pure Ras ethnostate is one atrocity too many. For Baltija, its people's thirst for revenge is so entrenched into the state's ideological foundation that lasting peace with the Dolchs will never be an option. 

“Jonas and the Republic of Dokestva are shaping up to be Izas and Baltija’s Dolchic counterparts in that they are not above resorting to ethnic cleansing and mass murder. In pursuit of a Dolchic ethnostate, Jonas is systematically oppressing the ethnic Ras under his territory by seizing their properties; expelling them from their own lands and neighbourhoods; and deliberately starving Ras-majority areas of food, water, electricity, and other critical supplies. And as General Alexandras and various other sources can attest, Jonas has shown absolutely zero restraint in his recent conquest of Govir Province; his utter devastation of the provincial capital of Govir will likely be the template for his future military endeavours. And to top it all off, he’s also being backed by Velaheria’s repressive Starinburg regime.

“Despite being the clear favourite of the Free Wurld, not even the Free Republic of Kauni is all that good for Baltica as a whole. The concerns of its co-rulers, General Simas Jancious and Head Secretary Juozas Vejas, lie no farther than the boundaries of Kauni province. According to a Baltican emergency broadcast, Kauni showed no reservation waging unprovoked economic warfare on the neutral and unaligned populations of Central Baltica by cutting them off from Kauni's electrical grid, which they are dependent on. And until we get more reports regarding blackouts and brownouts from the affected areas, who knows what kind of damage and suffering was inflicted?

“So far, the only major civil war faction that has not raised any red flags is Armenas’ Republic of Raskia. But, in all likeliness, that’s only because it’s likely still mobilising its population and does not want to incur the wrath of the international coalition gathering next door in Kauni. I doubt that Raskia’s Ras-majority population is willing to just let centuries of bad blood with the Baltian Dolchs go unresolved; in the mind of the average Raskian, they probably still have a score to settle with their former oppressors. The odds are that Raskia will turn out to be just as rotten as the rest should a convenient opportunity present itself.

“None of these major leaders have a viable vision for Baltica's future. None of them are inherently capable of building a democratic, unified, and stable Baltica from the ashes of this war. None of them constitute a practical long-term solution for Baltica’s crisis. 

“And the international forces throwing their support behind these terrible candidates in hopes of facilitating the peace process will need to brace for disappointment.  While their humanitarian intentions and philanthropy are undoubtedly admirable, their grand strategies essentially amount to polishing a turd.

“Even if they are acutely aware of just how flawed their strategies and preferred candidates are, they are powerless to do anything else. International law dictates that legitimate states can not just go around conquering sovereign nations and installing leaders favourable to their interests, even if those interests are objectively good. They are forced to take the least worst options available.

“At the moment, there is no ideal candidate for the international community to work with.

“And that’s where independent foreign volunteers, who operate outside of international conventions, can intervene.

“The best way for us to help the Baltican people, to ensure lasting peace and stability in Central Argis, and to make an actual positive difference in Baltica is to enable them to reject the existing candidates for power and substitute them with one that is actually good. We must help the Balticans establish a brand new faction: a constitutional democracy built on a robust foundation of modern humanitarian values: a government of the people, by the people, for the people. We must help the Balticans build a shining beacon of hope that the rest of the Free Wurld can conscientiously support and wholeheartedly accept into the international fold. And it must not be corrupted by petty dictators from the pre-war political and military establishments or the inherently rotten political system weaponised by the previous Baltican government.

"Make no mistake: We are marching to Baltica to help its peoples wage a Just War of Liberation. Some may say it's not our place to butt in and tackle a problem Balticans should ideally be fixing themselves. But to that, I say it's not our place to stand idle while an entire nation suffers.

“This open-source nation-building project — collectively crafted by a surprising many innovative, intelligent, and motivated minds from across the online community — is ambitious to be sure. But in small and gradual steps, I believe it is feasible. Arome was not built in a day.

“Thankfully, we do have a starting point. Admittedly, it’s no longer ideal due to recent developments in the war, but it’s the only shot we have. So far, General Alexandras and the Govir Baltican Army are the only Balticans willing to cooperate with foreign volunteers in the creation of a free and democratic constitutional republic in Baltica. Therefore, the first steps towards the nation’s salvation will likely be to join the GBA in their insurgency against the Republic of Dokestva and liberate Govir Province from Jonas’ oppressive rule.

“We will be fighting a radically different war than what most of us are accustomed to as veterans of the Armed Forces of Rhodellia. We will not benefit from Rhodellia’s advanced Command and Control systems, GPS, and perhaps even the Internet. We won’t have tanks, air support, artillery, or even motorised logistics, at least not in the early phases. I wouldn’t even imagine our situation as a role reversal with the Nordwalde Separatist Movement we’ve been fighting for decades; it will feel as if we’ve reverted back to the Stone Age, to less civilised times.

“But in spite of our technical inferiority and the loss of force multipliers we took for granted in the Rhodellian military, I am confident that we can thrive in our new operational environment. We will be bringing along with us a more sophisticated understanding of modern warfighting, superior training and practical experience cultivated over decades of continuous exposure to symmetric and asymmetric warfare, and our uniquely strong warrior spirits as Rhodellians. And these are far more powerful than any weapons system the enemy can possibly throw at us. While I’m never one to advocate underestimating one’s enemy, I can at least say that the enemy does not know war as we do.

“But whether our fate is death or glory on the battlefield, when you board that plane to Argis, know that you’ll be fighting for a righteous cause. You’re not doing this on the orders of someone higher up the chain of command,  nor are you carrying out the bidding of some self-interested politician. You are fighting of your own volition. You are independently choosing to make a stand for liberty, democratic values, and human rights; to protect those who are too weak and vulnerable to defend themselves; and to help your fellow Man in their time of need. This self-sacrificing altruism, this innate willingness to fight for the Greater Good, lies at the very core of what it means to be Rhodellian. 

“Remember, everyone, the best hope for a free, democratic, and prosperous Baltica lives and dies with us. So let’s give this crusade our all.”

Edited by Rhodellia
Hyperlinks to referenced posts + some minor writing improvements (see edit history)
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Battle of Black Sands


The Dolch had been preparing for weeks. After the casualties they suffered after the incompetent and rushed offensive into Kauni, the Dolch generals had been forced by the government to wait for the full transfer of the southern Armies to the north, and the preparation of new supply lines. Finally, it was ready, the full Dolch war machine ready to steamroll southern Kauni. Their main objective was to capture the Mirtuni refining facility, which was responsible for refining the tar sands extracted from the Mirtuni quarry. It was one of few oil sources in Baltica, and if taken could allow Dokestva to begin utilising their armoured vehicles once more, and open up the possibility of utilising the former Baltican air force. Not only is it a strategic resource, but also a tool by which Dokestva can exert control over Kauni, for the facility contains huge amounts of toxic waste, produced from the refining process. If it was released into the river, or possibly groundwater stores it could contaminate the whole of the Kauni river. Of course, the Kauni government themselves couldn't allow for such an important objective to fall into the hands of Dokestva, and so reluctantly prepared a grand defence.


In the early morning, over 18,000 troops had been amassed all over Mirtuni, all kept in significantly smaller quadrants to make it harder for the expected enemy air to hit them. Artillery as well as scattered around partial hills and clearings in forests. Kauni did its best to garrison the facility, managing to amass 5,000 troops. The coalition air force had also been put on alert and their presence on the battlefield would be the thing to turn the tide of the battle if utilised correctly.


(Commemorative Photo of Army Group Geon)

In the early morning, the shells began to pepper the Kauni garrison, hitting from multiple angles, but avoiding the actual refining facility. Small groups of organised men began to push from the East, making a head-on rush for the refinery, whilst soldiers in the South occupied the actual city of Mirtuni, with little resistance. Dolch soldiers from the west did not make a push and instead fortified their position and made good use of their artillery. The first major encounter took place between small battalions of Dokestva and the mechanised troops of Kauni, who used their speed to quickly attack and disorganise the small groups of soldiers. The Dolch troops were caught off guard, and some scrambled into a short retreat. The motorised chased the Dolch shortly before having one of their cars blown up by an anti-tank gun, causing the motorised to give up the chase. Additionally, a coalition airstrike was able to heavily damage the artillery that had been stationed in the west. The first day of the Battle ended in Dokestva taking some territory and the city of Mirtuni, yet their offensive was greatly halted.


When fighting picked up again the next day, it saw the Dolch Eastern army attempting another advance to the facility. This time they were met head-on, by Kauni forces. The battle that ensued lasted for hours, but the superior training and equipment of the Kauni defenders proved to be more effective, and the Dolch troops were again retreating, but now also getting bombarded by Coalition airstrikes. Meanwhile, the southern army that had taken Mirtuni, proceeded to push further from the centre, capturing important road links, and forcing the few Kauni troops stationed there out. Additionally, the west, which had been hit hard by enemy CAS, was able to somewhat recover, although most of the artillery had been damaged beyond repair. As such the Western Army attempted an advance of their own, which proved largely ineffective as the initial inactivity of the western army allowed for the Kauni garrisons to set up an especially capable defence. 


By day three, Jonas ordered that the area be taken no matter what, having already lost more supplies and men than he was planning to. Generals on the field themself were doubting their ability to take and hold the refining plant, hoping to instead destroy it, but Jonas’s orders would come first. The plan was to have the Southern Centre army push deep into the area and link up with the Southern Army, where they could then both commence one final push for the refining plant. The plan saw some early success, with the southern army again making huge advances, but again the inability of the Eastern army saw their push completely collapse. A gap within the army had opened up, something that the generals would fail to notice in time, and it was exploited by the mechanised troops. They would pierce deep into enemy lines, effectively encircling over 500 troops, who were then forced to surrender. The loss was devastating to morale, especially for the Eastern army which had been pushed back three times. General Yurgis (Commander of the Southern Army) would then take full control of the Eastern Army, hoping that his success in the South would be mimicked in the east. Again everything was made worse by the constant bombing from the Coalition airforce, which had reduced the western army to nothing more than a garrison and was heavily impacting supply lines leading into the area. The final day of the offensive would determine everything, either forcing the Dolch to retreat or Kauni to abandon their positions. 


When the fourth day finally came, the now Centre army (Comprised of the Eastern and Southern Armies), decided to perform a risky manoeuvre. They would attempt a grand push, using all their troops, knowing that Kauni did not have the numbers to repel them all. The Centre East would push first, successfully attracting the attention of the Kauni defenders who engaged them. The Southern Centre, which had advanced much closer to the actual battlefield, would themselves begin a rapid advancement. The west too, successfully rallied, and were beginning to make the first move towards the refinery. Kauni mechanised forces worked around the clock, quickly traversing and attempting to slow the advance of the Dolch. Coalition air too would attempt to slow down the troop movements, yet it proved ineffective. Surprisingly, the west was able to push to the Mirtuni quarry and was in eyeshot of the refinery itself. General Leonas of the Kauni troops had to decide between either retreating or risking getting cut off from the bridge leading out. Eventually, after a hasty discussion, it was decided to retreat, but before they did they would attempt to transport as much oil, and toxic waste as they could, whilst setting fire to everything they couldn't take. Air bombardment continued nonetheless, providing necessary time and cover for the Kauni forces to make their escape across the bridge, which was then blown up after all troops had made it across. 


It had taken over four days to capture a facility that was now destroyed, but at least out of enemy hands. The flag of Dokestva now flew over Mirtuni, and its quarry was now theirs. Even if the facility was destroyed, and wouldn't be built back, it was another asset out of the hands of Kauni, and hopefully a way into negotiations. Only time would tell if all the death was worth it ...

Edited by Baltica
Previous post was accused of Metagaming (see edit history)
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Coils of cigarette smoke drifted lazily into the high ceiling of the meeting room. Parliament Tower is well known for it's extravagant fittings and features, most of them preserved since the 1910's when the building was made. The most popular of these by far are the bountiful ashtrays, which are currently being put to use by the assembled politicians. Chief Executive LaCroix sighed, flicking ash into the tray. "The other nations of Argis and beyond have already mobilised. We're wasting precious time to do what's right." Wyndham-Smyth, leader of the opposition, leaned back and smugly retorted. "It's none of our concern. Who cares? These backwater northlanders can't stop themselves from crumbling every few decades. Leave them be." This back and forth had been ongoing in some shape or form since the first information regarding the war had slid its way across the desks of everyone of any importance in Parliament Tower. Usually a token gesture of support for any vaguely democratic state and condemnation of the authoritarian ones would follow, and the raging tempest of the 24 hours news cycle would wash any concerns away, quick to leech onto whatever happened next. This time, however, was different. 

The clouds of war were blowing in from the East, and if the intelligence gained by the Confederate Bureau of Intelligence was correct, was being whipped into a crescendo by Anglican support into Dolchland. The war in Baltica could be the lone spark to ignite a tinderbox, and LaCroix was more than aware of how the Hinterian sluggishness would be perceived. "This war is making us look like a rabble of unorganised, sloppy morons!" LaCroix barely contained his anger. "Seylos and Delamaria have peacekeeping forces in place, f*cking Rhodellian teenagers got their boots on the ground before we even bothered booking this meeting room. I am not asking for an invasion of Baltica. Sending humanitarian aid is the right thing to do. Should to time come when Anglica mobilises, we need real allies who we know we can trust and who can trust us. This nation cannot continue to exist riding on handshakes at trade discussions." Wyndham-Smyth exhaled, blowing a cloud of acrid cigarette smoke upwards, where it seamlessly merged with the silvery haze hanging over the room. "Foreign intervention isn't popular now, Frankie, you know this. The polls indicated that, and the members of parliament under my party will vote against this." "You mean the corporations think it isn't popular." LaCroix retorted. "Couldn't help noticing your new car, I didn't know campaign contributions came on four wheels these days. Cooperation is key. When the war comes, and there will be a war, all the shiny new cars and blank cheques in the wurld won't help you when Anglia sails up the DeBrie river. The corporations will flee the sinking ship and you'll be left holding the can. Today I will make an announcement in Parliament, and we will vote on our role in Baltica. Vote yes or vote no, but vote for yourself, not for the corporate interests. I can't bear to see this country sold off piece by piece to them." With that, LaCroix rose from his seat adjourning the meeting.


Three Hours Later

The Parliamentary Chamber was rumbling with muted conversations, an unusual state for the room, which was usually filled with jeers and shouting from politicians in support of their leader or decrying a member of the opposition. Both leaders had made passionate speeches regarding war action. LaCroix argued it was the right thing to do, and that Argic friendship was needed in these dark times, to serve as a beacon of freedom, democracy, and human spirit against authoritarianism and rampant colonialism. Wyndham-Smyth argued that involving Hinteria in petty northern squabbles was not a move supported by the economy, and went against a policy of official neutrality that had made Hinteria prosperous and wealthy throughout the tumultuous 1950's. A silence fell over the chamber as the Speaker of the Chamber cleared his throat, preparing to announce the result of the electronic vote. The TV cameras in the galleries above the chamber zoomed in, focusing on the speaker and the large screen behind him that would display the results of the vote. "The results have been counted. In the matter of involvement in the Baltican situation, the motion to send a delegation of peacekeeping troops and humanitarian staff to support the Republic of Kauni in conjunction with the forces of Delamaria, Selyos, Ahrana and Fina has passed." The chamber erupted, with cheers, jeers, and outrage spreading across both sides of the house. LaCroix sat at the front of the governing party's section, applauding and smiling, all the while returning the icy glare of Wyndham-Smyth from across the room. For the first time in living memory, Hinterian troops were in the battlefield, albeit in a supporting role. Compared to the minefield of Hinterian politics, Francis LaCroix knew where he would rather be.


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14 Lettow-Vorbeck Street,
Rabenwald, Rabeswalde Province, RW1 4QT,
Kingdom of Rhodellia

21 Levolutasüt,
Kapojvar, 1KP 121
@Stedorian People's Republic

Dear Mr. Ernö Bartok,

I hope this letter finds you well.

It is an honour to be acknowledged by name by the national government of my ancestral homeland. At the same time, it is regrettable for it to have happened under less-than-amicable circumstances. But it is most unfortunate that taking an action that will actually help our Baltian Dolchic brethren in the long run — stopping a racist and murderous despot from dragging the Baltican people further into Hell — will brand me and other freedom fighters of Stedorian heritage as enemies to the Stedorian People’s Republic.

As I previously stated in my speech at The Convention for a Free and Democratic Baltica, the so-called ‘Republic’ of Dokestva is fundamentally incapable of providing any remotely positive future for Baltica’s peoples. Dokestva is built on a regressive ideological foundation of hatred, xenophobia, and racism. Its blatant, systematic, and unapologetic oppression of its Ras minorities is not conducive to national unity, national stability, or good optics. Jonas Banis himself is an unelected president and petty dictator who, as the son of the late President Algridas Banis, likely only rose to power through nepotism and corruption. He rules primarily through a monopoly on violence granted by the support of former Baltican military personnel who defected along with him. Dokestva's state monopoly on violence is not legitimised through the popular consent of The People formalised through a fair democratic process. And it is not regulated by a robust system of checks and balances such as a genuinely independent judiciary not subject to armed intimidation. There is no real civilian control over the military. Dokestva’s inherently backwards and regressive nature will ultimately prove to be its undoing. If you wish for a glimpse into what a Dokestvan-dominated Baltica will look like, just look at the ruin it recently made of Govir.

As Dokestva rejects modern democratic, humanitarian, and liberal values that are embraced across the Free Wurld, most of the international community will not embrace a Dokestva-dominated Baltica with open arms. Even now, it faces a powerful and still-growing multinational coalition backing its enemy, the Free Republic of Kauni. If Dokestva’s blatant crimes of apartheid against Ras people and excessively destructive conquest of Govir Province are any indication of how it will conduct itself in the future, Dokestva will only stoke further rejection and hostility from most of the Wurld; a Dokestva-dominated Baltica will sooner collapse again from further ethnic violence and international sanctions than rebuild and prosper with foreign investment and cooperation.

Continued support for Banis and Dokestva will only do more harm than good for the Baltican and Stedorian peoples. If the welfare of Baltica’s peoples, or at least its Baltian Dolch population, is truly the goal of the Stedorian People’s Republic, it would find it better to withdraw support from the inherently flawed and self-destructive nation building project that is Dokestva, use official condemnations of 'President' Banis for committing crimes against humanity as an internationally applaudable out, and put Stedorian state resources to more productive use supporting a more progressive alternative. If Stedoria distances itself from Dokestva, which is increasingly drawing most of the Wurld’s ire, Stedoria can better-cement itself as being on the right side of History.

There is no salvaging the Dokestvan regime. For the good of all Balticans, Dokestva Must Die.

Though I am a man of proud Stedorian heritage, I was born and raised in the Kingdom of Rhodellia. The defence of liberty, democratic values, and human rights is central to Rhodellian national identity and culture. Therefore, I can not, in good conscience, permit an ultimate Dokestvan victory in the Baltican civil war. The Baltican people deserve better.

It is for this reason that I will stand by my previous words and the Rhodellian ideals I was raised to uphold. I will go overseas to help the Baltican people cleanse their own land of tyranny, and I will help them establish the democratic constitutional republic they so desperately need to succeed in the 21st century. Or I will die trying.

I sincerely thank the Stedorian government for having the courtesy to repeat their recent warning to Stedorian expatriates with Stedorian citizenship by descent in a personal letter specifically addressed to myself. It is a terrible thing that fellow compatriots and Dolchic peoples may have to spill each other's blood. But I hope the Stedorian government can mitigate this tragedy by acting on the increasingly apparent fact that Dokestva is not a hill worth dying on.

Best regards, 

Sigfrid Nolüdajol

Edited by Rhodellia
Minor improvements (see edit history)
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What Is Baltija ?


Baltija is perhaps the most interesting combatant in the Baltican Civil War. It had come into existence after a violent split within the Ras Nationalist Party. The Ras stronghold in Kretia, which had always been the centre of radicalism as well as spurred Ras Nationalism, would create a monster the likes of which Baltica had never before seen. This state is currently ruled by the infamous Gedrus Izas, a rebel leader who had led the previous riots in Cidra and the Blockade of Kretia. He and his followers declared it their mission to reclaim Baltica for Balticans. Rallying what people they could find, their hordes of militiamen stormed Northern Baltica. Kretia fell in immediately, and so did Dragai and Klenia. The men still loyal to Raskia were either rounded up, managed to escape to neutral land. With it Baltija was born, and its path to total domination over Baltica could begin. This ambition, however, is not shared by all. This radicalism that has been so rampant among Baltija is largely restricted to the equally infamous White Stork Army Group or as it's better known, the VSA. An army composed of only the best troops, who had stormed Kretia when the chaos of the war had just begun. 


(VSA Emblem)

The VSA would go on to lead multiple military operations against both Baltica as well as the neutral zones, seeing considerable success in both. Their ties within Ras sympathiser groups within the Baltican army would see an influx of troops as well as equipment into Baltija, fueling their expansion even further. of course their expansion was by no means a peaceful one, as the VSA would go on to commit multiple “Incidents” as they began growing their influence in the unclaimed. Notably, in Ramagaly, the Dolch citizens (After unsuccessfully trying to rebel against VSA occupation) would be sought after and "eliminated". Many were able to escape to Kauni or Dokestva, but thousands perished as the VSA sought their revenge. Who knows how many atrocities the VSA has committed, as few can escape their grasp, but no doubt their horror and bloodthirsty has caused fractions deep within Baltija. 


Although Baltija may appear as an extremely powerful and bloodthirsty nation, its populace does not follow its ambition. Largely, the people outside of Kretia itself are quite against what is happening to the Dolch, seeing it as no better than what the Monarchists had done during the first war. It's also becoming ever more apparent that rifts within Baltijan government itself are beginning to form, with a large portion of the less radicalised members pushing for a stop for the seamless killing of Dolch civilians and Gedrus general distrust and anger towards Raskia. This group have dubbed themselves Interwar, although their numbers, as well as influence, remains limited to a few areas in the West, and relatively weak army groups. This group has been able to reach out to Raskia, and made big plans of assisting them in a possible liberation of Baltija, no matter how unlikely it may seem. Their cooperation has provided a rare insight into Baltija itself, and how divided it remains, despite the tight grip of Gedrus and his conspirators. 


However, the Interwar is not the only thing causing fractures within Baltija. The growing ambitions of the VSA, and the Baltijan army, in general, has led to them organising a rebellion within the old Baltican government. This rebellion would soon grow out of hand, to the point where it grew into a state of its own. This “state” would doubt itself Belgerta, after the city which was now its main stronghold. Commander Vytas Mantas of the VSA south army would assert himself as the lead ruler of Belgerta, becoming the first practical “Warlord” of Baltica. Due to Baltija relying so much on the VSA, this state was allowed to exist, and Vytas’s influence in southern Baltica began to grow rapidly. With fractures like these, the legitimacy of Baltija is at its lowest point yet, and with the giants of Raskia and Dokestva beginning their advance into the very heart of Baltica, Baltija has a long road ahead of it… 


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After Delamaria, Stedoria, and San Castellino declared their support for the neutral zone, Brigadier Ryley had decided it was enough support to rush out and secure the proposed zone area. The 1st Engineer Company, part of the 3rd Battalion forces that had made its way to Kauni, rushed from its position at FOB Kopali and made its way north east towards the proposed neutral zone. Elements of the Foreign Humanitarian Corps (FHC) had already been gathering in Viewa in preparation for humanitarian operations, and were waiting for the engineers to secure the zone and begin setting up shop. It's there that Major Charles Blakely, the 1st Engineer Company commander, made contact with Dr. Mona Attaway, the field leader of the FHC group in Kauni. From there the two groups convoyed together, the engineers taking the lead, heading east towards the neutral zone. Along the way they passed a Delmarian company that was protecting that route into Kauni, making sure to let them know of the quick developments that had been going on. By midnight, the engineers has declared the zone secure enough for the FHC to begin moving in their personnel and supplies, and the exhausted groups took the rest of the night to take a well earned rest.

By the next morning, the engineers had begun their work in earnest, preparing all the necessary infrastructure that would make up the backbone of the camp. A cluster of three mobile trailers were set up at the camp's headquarters, housing a few of the administrative and logistical staff from the FHC. Several cargo containers had been hauled in to serve as temporary supply storage for the humanitarian supplies for the camp, and had been placed near the trailers as more trucks had started to come in. From then on the FHC staff and engineers set themselves on the long task of deploying as many tents for the refugees as they possibly could, they knew it was a matter of time before refugees would begin to pour in, especially as the area would most likely be considered the safest haven for the displaced in the country.

The engineers though did have a time limit for their presence, before the FHC had to take over operations and security completely. As a neutral zone, Seylos has promised it would set up its camp, but the soldiers that were there were only supposed to be on site to help setup the camp then leave. Before they left however, Dr. Attaway had made the request of building some sort of landing strip nearby, so supplies could be ferried in by air instead of solely by land. Major Blakely has seized upon the opportunity to remain in the area, mostly to protect the vulnerable camp, and had promised Dr. Attaway a runway that would be able to accommodate even the largest cargo transports. Dr. Attaway had no idea how they were going to accomplish such a task in a reasonable time, but instead had simply tanked the Major for his hard work in building up the camps infrastructure.


It had been six days since their arrival, and Dr. Attaway had brought all the important officers and FHC members into a meeting in one of the trailers that served as the camp's headquarters.

"Thank you all for coming, I know it's been one hell of a week," Dr. Attway started, "I've brought you all here to gather the status of the camp as the week ends. Major Blakely, I'd like to start with you and your engineer's progress?"

"Progressing well ma'am. Most of the important bits for the camp have been taken care of, of course now we are focusing our attention on the airstrip. I've withdrawn fifty of my people, but the others will remain here to continue the construction project on the airstrip."

Attaway took a deep breath, "While I appreciate the concern for the camp, are you sure this is the best use of your engineer's time?"

"Without a doubt ma'am," Blakely replied, "Should supply lines by land from Kauni become impossible to maintain, this camp's only hope would be aerial resupply. And of course the longer my engineers remind here, the longer they can assist in protecting the camp from any overzealous attackers."

Attaway didn't want to argue with the Major again, so just nodded, "Yes, thank you Major. I'd of course ask that your people complete their project as soon as possible. Chief MacBay, I hope your security personnel are settling in?"

She had directed her question to the camp's security chief, Euan MacBay, a burly Alban in his early forties who almost had trouble sitting in his seat. He had served in the Royal Army almost two decades ago, and instead of going private he had joined the FHC security detachment and been with them ever since.

"I'd say so ma'am. As much as I was concerned about these Rhodellian volunteering en masse, the bastards that they let through are some tough ones for sure. Half of bloody @Rhodellia is trying to get some of that war tourism pie. At least whoever was doing the recruiting was smart, we've only been assigned the war veterans with more... amicable personalities. Rather have them here with us than gallivanting about for some piss poor cause burning down villages. Bloody war tourism, strange thing."

Attaway couldn't help but stifle a chuckle at the man's upfront nature, but she held her composure "So you're satisfied then?"

"Aye, I was expecting a mess, but I've got our people in line. Security of the camp is is good hands ma'am." MacBay replied with a smile on his face, his arms crossed almost in triumph.

"I'm glad to hear it. Dr. Grahame, how is the camp handling the current influx of refugees?"

Dr. Grahame was a short man, in his late twenties who almost fit the perfect visual expectation of an office administrator, "It could be better doctor, word spread about the camp much faster than we were expecting. If initial counts are correct we have around ten thousand already in the camp, with several hundred more waiting to be processed. I'm confident we can handle it, but with these projections this camp could grow to massive sizes."

"Can your people handle that Chief?" Attway asked MacBay.

"Don't you worry about it ma'am. We've got another hundred volunteers on the way who've been vetted all the way. We'll keep it peaceful. Though if you could ma'am, get those police trainers over from Seylos as soon as you can. I've got good natured folk working for me, but they've only received soldier's training. They've taken the strict ROE well, but they could use some lesson on manners."

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23/4 Residential area, Janikis, Dokvetska, Former Baltica

The Velaherian forces have been aiding the Dokvetskan forces in repelling and move forces deeper into baltican and kauni territory for quite some time now, thus Colonel Anhard Dohönst, had decided to brief the high command i.e the Velaherian People's Army Command, in Bastaria, by informing them of the events that have happened since the Velaherians had captured the city of janikis and what their future plans were, regarding the situation of baltija and of kauni, and whether if the velaherian motorized forces would invade baltija with the dokvetskans or not..

The Colonel has kept regarding the situation that the VFDB (Velaherian Forces deployed in Baltica) finds itself in, the first of which is, the lack of domestic support for the dokvetskan regime, as several men of the velaherian support group have found themselves being resisted by the ethinic minority groups inside the dokvetskan controlled areas, and even some forms of illegal activities have been carried out against the velaherian forces, which have caused concern for him, though through some forms of repression they could fix this issue in no time. 

Despite this, there is also a problem of training the dolchic army to fight against the other armies, which hasnt gone quite as expected, as the equipment losses for the dolchics has been pretty significant in the recent operations, the main reason behind this was the lack of training and the mass conscription of unfit people into the military, as per the colonel's thoughts, though these issues plagued the velaherian people's army's reserve forces as well, so it is not that big of an issue.

As per the future plans of the VFDB, the colonel said that the VFDB would now focus more on routing itself along with the dolchics towards baltija while it can,  though the first priority would still be to pacify janakis and shell the frontlines of baltija and the remnant areas, that are left to be brought under dolchic control, though only time will tell what would happen next.

With this the colonel ended his brief to the Military command and went on with his day, inside a posh appartment in janakis while the other men, continued to do their work of barricading the city from enemy forces.

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Baltic Federative Union

With the recent peace in Kauni, Raskia has begun to pursue the first steps towards Ras Unification. Although their relations with Kauni have been damaged because of the forced withdrawal of a Raskian troops from Northern parts of Kauni, they are currently the only state (Not counting the various pro Raskian rebel groups in Baltija and Baltica) that are considering reunification. But with this comes many hurdles, the most important is how this integration should take place.

Jouzas Vejas and Nekolas Armenas would both meet in Sveaja to discuss this new process of reconstruction. Both agreed that a full unification before the conflict was over would be out of the question, seeing as the process of uniting would require a great amount of time, money and resources that could and should be spent elsewhere. Additionally, the period of instability following such a big unification might open them up to invasion from either Baltija or Dokestva. It was decided that instead of unifying straight away, they would form a faction within the civil war that would allow for a much more gradual economic and industrial cooperation. It would also help re-establish power grids, as well as infrastructure networks. Although they couldn't do anything when it came to defence and military due to the Kauni Agreement, it was a step in the right direction either way. This new “Alliance”, would go under the name of the Baltica Federative Union or BFU. Industura (Formally one of the largest construction companies operating in Baltica) would begin their expansion into Kauni, helping set up similar refugee camps to what they had constructed in Ladija. The hope was to work in tandem with coalition forces to provide a safe area for refugees before they can be assigned work or transferred to inner Raskia or Kauni. 


(New Refugee camp under construction)

However, with the introduction of the BFU, Raskia has finally decided to step in and act against Baltija. They had tried to diplomatically sort out the schism that had formed between them, but with talks breaking down and Baltija not seizing its conquest of Baltica, and the formation of Belgorta had finally crossed the line. The Raskian army had finished mobilising, and it was time for them to pacify Baltija once and for all. Using their links within the Interwar in Western Baltija, they would gain valuable information about troops stationed in the front line town of Dukstaja, which the Interwar warned was heavily built up. Trenches lined the city, and buildings had been turned into makeshift bunkers, not to mention the large minefield that now made up the once large raspberry fields. But nonetheless, the order to take the city passed the Ras Parliament and the first Uzli Army Battalion began marching East.

The Battle for Dukstaja 

Over ten thousand troops had amassed around the city, staying hidden in the deep forest cover. They had largely gone unnoticed, the Interwar working hard to suppress reports of troop movements and purposely sabotaged scouts by giving them wrong directions and coordinates. It had been largely successful, helping completely hide how many troops were amassing around the city. The plan was to use mortars to temporarily shell the town, and trigger as many mines as they could before their advance. Just as the sun began to peek over the hills, Raskia began their shelling. It was somewhat sporadic, and very much inaccurate but did manage to hit some of the inner city buildings and minefields. It lasted three hours, during which over 120 mortar shells had been fired. Then the army began advancing. 

Many in the first wave incidentally died to the mines, but not as many as had been expected. The Baltijan garrison that had been stationed in the city was caught completely off guard and was just barely able to scramble into their positions. However, due to this, they could not arm their machine gun positions fast enough. This allowed Ras army groups to easily disable Baltijan building holdouts using grenades and rocket launchers. The Western half of the city was taken in just an hour. The Interwar (Which made up a small part of the garrison) would also rise up, and take over holdouts in the North, and would help the Ras in their final push towards the South-Eastern part of the city. By then most of the garrison had been captured, but central Baltijan command had told the remaining troops to refuse surrender and continue fighting. This did not stop large parts of the Baltijan garrison from surrendering, however, but what troops remained hid in the buildings and would use their knowledge of the city to ambush and quickly attack Ras troops before retreating. It resulted in full urban warfare, and a complete stop to the Raskian advance, as now they were forced to clear every building one by one. What was thought to be a quick victory, would become a long and brutal battle. By the morning of the next day, although much of the city had been secured, the small remnants of the garrison still persisted with their constant attacks. It was only after chemical gases were released into the sewers, that the attacks subsided and eventually came to an end. 


(Remains of Dukstaja)

The battle was a large Ras victory, and the Interwar would report that Baltijan troops retreated from the Dukstaja county altogether. Soon the city would become an important military hub, and a gateway into Baltija once the rest of the army finishes arriving. As the time for diplomacy passes, it is time to show Baltija the full might of Raskia…  


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