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NSAS (Nacia Sciiga Agentejo de Sffahkia)

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The NSAS, or in Esperanto: Nacia Sciiga Agentejo de Sffahkia and in French: Agence Nationale de Presse de Sffahkia, is the only allowed state-run news agency of Sffahkia. NSAS is your best (only) choice when choosing a source of news on the Final Revolution. The NSAS reports the truth as it is defined in the State Codex. 


"La NSAS estos la nacia novaĵagentejo kaj kiel tia estos la sola agentejo, kiu rajtas krei amaskomunikilaron, kiu en naturo similas novaĵojn." -Niĉjo Parlanto

"La novaĵagentejo, kiu plu semos la semojn de la fina revolucio en la mensoj de la popolo de Sffahkia. Novaĵagento libera de la koruptaj influoj, kiuj malhelpas la finan revolucion kaj ĝiajn finajn verojn." -Nikolao Kondukanto

The NSAS is located in Nova Urbo where it functions to unite all of Sffahkia. The NSAS insures that all Sffahkians receive the same news regardless of social status. 

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  • 2 weeks later...

3155505_3_9799_lors-du-referendum-en-alsace-organise-le-7_4506aa4819e9790e8e4c0ab284d3efd8.jpgShffahkia to hold referendum

In the light of the court demonstration, the senate has began a referendum to change the leadership. On the ballot citizens may vote either Jes/oui or Ne/non to the change of leadership. Running against Nikolao Kondukanto, the leader, is Taillefer Vigier also known as the iron-works politician who made his name as being a strong supporter of French culture within Shffahkia. If elected, he promises to instigate French as the only national language, drop language bans and end Shffahkia's policy of Isolationism.

The main critique Nikolao Kondukanto is being faced with is his uncompromising stance on societal change and development whilst his opponent, Taillefer Vigier, has been accused of turning his back on the revolution. Despite the accusations he has for long been a force to be reckoned with in the Collectivist-Socialist party of Shffahkia.

Whether Shffahkia shall see a new leader is up to the people. The future seems more uncertain than ever as the very revolution itself hangs in the balance. 

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Referendum Results in!

The Weekend referendum held on Saturday and Sunday to decide upon the new leader of Shffahkia has come to a close and votes have been counted. The referendum was a result of the Senate giving a vote of no confidence to Nikolao Kondukanto after a school fiasco turned into nationwide demonstrations against his proposed new culture and new language. Opposing him was Taillefer Vigier, a member of the science committee of Shffahkia who is also known as the iron-works politician due to his background as a worker in the iron industry. He ran a large campaign against Kondukanto attacking his policies and criticizing him for his zero tolerance -policy against criticism.

The referendum showed that 78% voted in favor of a change in leadership and 16% voting in favor of keeping the current leader. 6% abstained from voting on the referendum.

Taillefer Vigier made great promises during his inauguration such as introducing a national currency, ending Isolationism and revisiting many of the pointless and oppressive laws introduced by Kondukanto in his 25 years in office. 

The reason why this article is so short is because upon inauguration, Taillefer Vigier has officially discontinued the NSAS. This is from the whole NSAS team saying "it has been a blast bringing you government propaganda, we wish you the best and stay inside as the weather forecast is sunny with a chance of rain."

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  • 2 months later...

The Larue Amendment to the Delacroix Constitution

Following the June Referendum, the government of the Federative Republic of Shffahkia has experienced a grinding halt due to Nikolao Kondukanto contesting the June Referendum which officially removed him from office. However, on June 7th, Nikaloa Kondukanto was able to gather the support of the Conseil Sfakien (Shffahkian Council; one of the four assemblies/chambers of the Shffahkian government which oversees that the principles of Collectivism are followed in everyday governance) which officially condemned the referendum, thereby removing Taillefier Vigier from office after only a week as the new Premier-Dirigeant. Although Vigier was displaced, the Conseil Sfakien did not allow Kundukanto to retake his old position. 

Nikolao Kondukanto contested the referendum officially on June 6th claiming it was too inaccurate and orchestrated in such a short time: only 4 days, and that the referendum was overall illegitimate due to only 13% of Shffahkians actually voting because of a lack of voting booths. 

With the referendum contested, the four assemblies of the Shffahkian government officially chose sides. The Conseil Sfakien officially remained neutral, whilst the Collectif des Ministres sided with Nikolao Kondukanto, and the Chambre des Représentants sided against him. The Sénat Fédéral (Federal Senate) was split and was not able to chose side. This led to Shffahkia's government grinding to a halt. For most nation, this wouldn't be as big of a problem, but due to the interconnectedness of everything to the government in Shffahkia, its consequences were felt throughout the country: schools were closed, access to electricity almost vanished from the largest cities and food shipments to excluded villages were cancelled which almost led to a small famine. 

On August 9th, Adélaïde Larue officially disbanded the Federal Senate, one of the few powers the president has in Shffahkia. She then proceeded to pass the "Suspend the Delacroix Constitution Act" and with only one vote, which was her own, suspended the constitution made by the creator of the first Collectivist country. With no Premier-Dirigeant to resist the Act, the three other assemblies were powerless to stop it. 

The Delacroix Constitution is considered the source of legitimacy of the government, the justification for their actions, and by suspending it, Larue suspended law itself in the country. For the next week until August 16th, Shffahkia was officially in martial law. On August the 17th, however, the Larue Amendment was officially introduced and passed by the senate, and because it was unanimous with 100% of the Federal Senate supporting it, no other assembly could stop it. The official vote count was: one in favor, zero against. The Larue Amendment had but one effect: it combined the roles of Premier-Dirigeant and Présdient into one role: Président. 

As the acting president, Larue officially replaced Taillifier Vigier as the official leader of Shffahkia who can now act with impunity. She then proceeded to replace many members in all four assemblies until her supporters composed the majority in all of them. After August 17th, many of Nikolao Kondukanto's policies were removed the most infamous of which were the Esperanto Policies. 

On August 21st, the situation had stabilized and Lysian was reintroduced as the sole official language of Shffahkia. For many this situation still remains almost inconceivable as it was thought that no one could make amendments to the Delacroix Constitution. After all, it was considered the corner stone of Shffahkia and the very document that gives the government its authority. More inconceivable is the fact that the few power checks Nikolao Kondukanto and Duncan Delacroix had no longer apply to Larue. 

It still remains to be seen which direction Larue will take Shffahkia with her unchecked power but she has been able to get the government working again which means that it is time for life to return to normal for the time being. 


Edited by Shffahkia (see edit history)
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  • 2 weeks later...

Mind your language! - Surveille ton langauge!

Départemang de Journalismusse - Département de Journalisme

Ils veullent trois vés de saffe. - Ils veullent trois verres de jus.

Vouce as délé le doké ? - Tu as partagé le toit ? (une expression)

L'amiko mien a raté le lérnéil. - Mon ami a raté l'école.These are all examples of spoken Shffahkian Lysian. Officially, however, Shffahkians are encouraged to speak standard Lysian and to avoid these Shffahkisms which are often considered improper speech. 

Although Lysian is the official language of Shffahkia, Shffahkian Lysian is often considered its own version of Lysian, and in the most extreme cases, its own language due to its unique pronunciation and vocabulary. During the first 100 or so years of Lysian rule in Shffahkia, Shffahkian Lysian was mostly the same as Lysian spoken in the late 1700's. 

The first differences in Shffahkian Lysian popped up during the Great Exchange, a period of vast change in Shffahkian Lysian as Shffahkian Creole alongside Alemannic influences began to appear in everyday speech between 1808-1860. Form there onward, Lysian Shffahkian would diverge further from standard Lysian. 

Easily spotted differences are words that are spelled differently. These are called accepted alternative spellings in Shffahkia; they are mostly the use of -ang instead of -ent at the ends of certain words, such as bâtimang, and the use of k insead of qu, i.e. Sfakie not Sfaquie. Essentially, these boil down into a minimal effort to distinguish Shffahkian Lysian from standard Lysian in the 1800's although standard Lysian is often preferred in academic circles. The only exception is Shffahkia which must always be written with a k. 

The pronoun "vouce" is often used in place of tu as a way to speak in a more friendly manner as tu is rarely used. Vouce has its roots in the migrant communities of Shffahkia; it popped up into wide use in the 1800's.

From Shffahkian Creole, we get words such as doké (toit), vé (verre), pémis (permis), liv (livre) and lalinne (lune du monde). Shffahkian Creole was originally spoken by the slave populace of Shffahkia but it spread, so much so that it influenced Shffahkian Lysian grammar most notably with possessive pronouns and prepositions. Whilst people normally say "mon chat" for my cat, it is common to say "chat mien" in Shffahkia which is grammatically incorrect. It originates from Shffahkian Creole where possessive pronouns become after nouns. Over time, it made its way to the everyday language. Yet another feature of Shffahkian Creole is "da" the feminine version of de which is considered incorrect speech but used widely in Shffahkia.

Alemannic influences can be spotted from words such as Saffe/Zaf (jus), Delander/Déler (partager), Flaïsse (porc/bœuf), Flaske/Flasque (Bouteille), Arbrelaine (cotton), gata (rue) and journalismusse (journalisme) 

The third biggest influence would be Esperanto mostly between 1996 and 2010. Many Lysian words became replaced by Esperanto equivalents during the reign of Nikolao Kondukanto such as lérnéil (école), Faïrestingiste (pompier), voio (chemin, rue, moyen), auto (voiture), brune (marron), amiko (ami/amie), mirinde (agréable), foregiste (une pensée oubliée, utilisé comme le verbe oublier) and many more. 

These are but a few examples of Shffahkian Lysian. There are also words that don't originate from any foreign influence such as favelle and chemisette. In today's Shffahkia, where classes have become futile, you can often tell from which class someone comes from based on their accent. If they speak proper Lysian and avoid using special vocabulary, they might be from the old upper class, and if they speak using many creole words, they might come from the lower classes. 

There have been several suggestions about instituting Shffahkian Lysian as the national language but due to its large diversity, most official business in Shffahkia is conducted in proper Lysian. Despite that, Shffahkian Lysian is still spoken in everyday speech by around 86% of the population. Whether or not Shffahkian Lysian will ever receive recognition that doesn't classify it as incorrect remains very unlikely in the current political atmosphere. 

Edited by Shffahkia (see edit history)
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  • 3 weeks later...

President Larue's speech censored

On Sunday 23.9.2018, President Larue gave a speech during the second September government discussions. The government discussions are public discussions where members of the national congress, Shffahkia's tetracameral legislature, discuss public of the direction of Shffahkia. The government discussions are usually ended by the Premier-Dirigeant's speech, however, due to recent political changes, the president of the union has been the one to finish these discussions. 

The president set several goals to the government that differed from the political norm at the top of which would be ending Isolationism, opening Shffahkian society and moving the nation towards a more liberal direction. According to the Shffahkian council (Conseil Sfakien) these points were against the principles of Collectivism, and therefore, had to be censored. Despite receiving applause and praise throughout the country, Larue's speech has been censored an almost all public formats. 

The reason why Larue's speech was censored despite her holding the final say on almost all matters of state is the Shffahkian Council. The Shffahkian Council is responsible for the overseeing of the implementation of  Collectivism in Shffahkia. The council has on multiple occasion shown dissatisfaction towards Larue and her new government and has also rejected many of her administration's attempts on reform. This face-off between the president and the council shows that the two have vastly different views on Collectivism. This difference can be explained by Larue's rapid rise to power which has left many members of the "old guard" unprepared.

How ever change might be coming as and agreed-upon date has been set for the next Senate elections. Within the Larue Amendments, the Senate was granted to use the highest power in the country under the president. This means that if President Larue manages to fill the Senate with enough supporters to get a five to six vote passed, she can appoint new members to the Shffahkian Council which would give her control of two of the four chambers.

The censorship directed towards Larue's supporters has revealed a divide within Shffahkia. With the absence of Nikolao Kondukanto who didn't allow political disagreement, Shffahkia is divided into those who believe in Larue's liberal interpretation of Collectivism and to those who support conservative Collectivism.

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Jaspar Lemaigre & Guillemin Favre Put on Forced Retirement

On Saturday 6th September, two long-time MCC's (Ministres du conseil  collectiviste) saw their political carriers officially end as the president forcibly retired them from the Collectivist Council citing their age as a major concern. The two MCC's in question are Guillemin Favre and Jaspar Lemaigre, both boasting political careers that have lasted well over 50 years.


The President of the Union (PU) has, alongside the President of the Council (PC) and the President of the Chamber of Representatives (PDR), the power to forcibly retire any citizen from a state position if they believe their age to be a serious concern to either their health or their ability to conduct state affairs. The retired has the right to complain and may redirect the issue to a magistrate, coroner or to a higher court depending on the situation. 

Guillemin Favre, in fact, decided to complain about his forced retirement. In response, a committee will be formed from the CM (Collectif des Ministres) which will decide to either overrule Larue's decision or to sustain it. The committee will have a public hearing on this subject next Monday on 8th of September beginning from 4:00 (approx. 10 am) until 6:25 (approx. 3 pm). Many political analysts say that even if Favre is able to show a medical certificate that proves his continued ability to work, the Committee is unlikely to rule in favor of a politicians already in his 90's.

Who are these two MCC's?

First, Guillemin Favre was one of the most influential men on the Collectivist Council being credited as the man who "collectivized" the current Shffahkian education system. This feat alone earned him much praise and criticism. His supporters highlight that the current system has effectively eliminated illiteracy and improved test scores nation-wide. His critics, which include the current president herself, lambaste his system saying it focuses more on indoctrination than actual education. Whether or not your an opponent or a proponent of the Favre-style education system, he has still been in some kind office since the 1960's being a part of the wave of young politicians known as the Young 60's. Favre's career zenith was his education reform, however, his staunch support of Nikolao Kondukanto even after hes removal from office is seen as the nadir of his political career. Nevertheless, Guillemin Favre isn't going down without a fight. Although initially withholding much of his criticism of the current president, his forced retirement has made him decide to open the flood gates as he has begun a serious campaign against the "despot of the Senate" demanding her immediate resigning. 

Secondly, Jaspar Lemaigre was a more quiet public figure never truly distinguishing himself from the rest. His most memorable feat is that he was a part of the Collective Agricultural Committee (CAC) between 1990 and 2003 where he helped optimize Shffahkia's agricultural sector with the implementation of technological innovations en masse. Contrary to his fellow soon-to-be retiree, Jaspar Lemaigre stated that he harbours no ill will against the president in office and that he awaits a sunny retirement from state affairs. Despite not being as vocal about his opposition of Larue, Jaspar Lemaigre has worked against Liberal policies in general all throughout his career.

What does this mean for the future?

Guillemin Favre and Jaspar Lemaigre might have gone down in different ways but they both were staunch opponents of Larue. Most notably Guillemin Favre was a central opponent of Larue using the Collective Council to block many of her attempts at reform. Many say that they were retired for purely age-related reasons, yet some raise suspicion on whether or not it was intentional. With Favre and Lemaigre gone, the Collectivist Council has two more empty seats to be filled and two less Larue-opposed ministers.

Which ever version you believe, the fact is that the Collectivist Council, officially the Shffahkian Council, has two more open seats to be filled once the Senate elections are held. Members of the Collectivist Council or MCC's are appointed by the President  of the Union and approved by one of the three other legislatures of Shffahkia: The Federal Senate (SF), The Collective of Ministers (CM) or The Chamber of Representatives (CR). This means that if the current president can manage to fill one of these legislatures with sympathetic voters, they can effectively affect the most important legislature of the Collectivist republic adding more pressure and importance to the coming Senate elections. 

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  • 4 weeks later...

Voting is Nigh!

With the senate elections only two days away, it is the optimal time to see if you can vote or if you have to. Within the constitution of the FRS, it is stated that all those who are of the legal age of majority, hold citizenship of the FRS and are of sound condition of health are eligible to vote. However, the constitution later specifies that the process of voting is up to the state in question to decide upon. A Shffahkian citizen can vote in any state but if they do not vote at all, the state they reside in might have legal repercussions. It is good to note that each state has different requirements as well as qualifications for voting. The most infamous of these requirements is compulsory voting whether enforced or not. And some Shffahkian expats might find that their state doesn't allow voting from people outside its borders. 

One more thing to mention is that, although the constitution doesn't state that Shffahkia is a one-party state, all voting areas, booths and websites related to the democratic process are operated by the Collectivist Party. This means that membership to the party, although not officially necessary, is required in practice so that you may be able to vote. If you are not a member, you can seek membership by filling an application and sending it to your local government offices. 

In Shffahkia, there are even colloquial terms for those who vote or don't. Voters are referred to as 'balotants' and non-voters as 'malbalotants'. Keep in mind that depending on the state, being a malbalotant is considered a crime and in some being a balotant is difficult due to local restrictions. 

Saint Esprit/Piranhahasse

The largest state in Shffahkia is also the most infamous when it comes to voting requirements and restrictions. It is known for its enforced mandatory voting. The punishment for missing municipal, federal or state elections without proper reasoning is 2 months of mandatory labor civil service. Piranhahasse doesn't accept votes from expats which means citizens must either vote in a state that allows expats votes or travel to Piranhahasse to vote in its elections. However, expats that do not vote are not subject to legal ramifications. The Piranhahasse Collectivist Party will also remove anyone from its voting registry who hasn't voted in 2 consecutive elections. 

Saint Catherine

Catherine has its own voting laws where the state officially has mandatory voting for people between the ages of 25 and 60 after which you're no longer allowed to vote in municipal or state elections. Federal elections are open for people who have reached the age of majority (18), and people are not subject to legal repercussions if they do not vote in them. Municipal and state elections are enforced and not voting in them may rarely lead to 4 weeks civil service. Being eligible to vote is a challenge in and of itself. The Catherine Collectivist Party is known for restricting its 16,7 million resident's ability to vote. It has gone as far as to remove 4 million people from its voting registry in 2017 on the basis of misspellings or punctuation errors. It isn't a great surprise that Catherine has elected essentially the same individuals in its state and municipal elections for the past 50 years. Despite the efforts of this state, the federal elections are open for almost all, and people always have the ability to vote in the neighboring state of Côte d'Argent. 

Mines Générales

The second largest state of Shffahkia has mandatory voting which isn't enforced. Compared to Piranhahasse and Catherine, voting in Mines Générales is relatively easy as the state doesn't persecute malbalotants, but the Mines Générales  Collective Party does remove people from its registry after 4 consecutive absent elections. Also reentering the registry is quite difficult because the approval of a state judge is required before your reentry is approved. Judges in this state only go through reapplication pleas four times a year where on average 60% of the pleas presented are accepted. 

Côte d'Argent

The state of the Silver Coast has the most lax voting laws of any state. It doesn't practice mandatory voting, nor does its Collectivist Party remove people from its registry due to inactivity. It accepts not just the votes from all its residents but also the votes from expats and residents of other states in federal elections. This is achieved through a legal loophole where voters from other states are marked as momentary residents. If you've been removed from the voter registry of your respective state, you can vote in the applications for the Silver Coast Collectivist Party. The state formerly known as Havsrige and later as Silverhamn has a history of laissez-faire attitudes and policies which can be seen from its progressive attitudes towards voting.


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16 423 Shffahkians arrested at voting booths: 16 dead

As the Senate elections draw to a close and various media outlets broadcast the results of an overwhelming Larue victory, a news story has taken centre stage. The story is about several Shffahkians finding themselves arrested at voting areas even before being able to cast their ballots. The story became even more prevalent when the Piranhahasse Police Department confirmed that 28 Shffahkians were shot in two different confrontations with 16 confirmed dead. The people in question were tied to the Front Sfakien organization. 

The Front Sfakien is an alt right political hate group officially classified as a Volonté Libre organization. The FS has been a minor talking point in Shffahkian politics until Larue brought the group to the front and centre of her presidential campaign in 2012. In the campaign, Larue presented FS as a serious threat to Shffhakian democracy and Collectivism. However, she found herself unable to take the initiative due to the high road policy of the Collectivist Party at the time. The FS is staunchly against Larue's administration and has spent much time on a misinformation campaign aimed at diminishing Larue and her supporters politically. 

The president issued a presidential initiative which gave army officials and the police the right to arrest anyone associated to either the Front Sfakien or the spreading of misinformation. Reports show that only 508 of the 16 423 arrested were not associated with the FS. Most confrontations were peaceful but two confrontations turned deadly after FS supporters gathered for a demonstration and were faced with the Shffahkian military. 16 altogether were shot due to violently resisting arrest. 

President Larue stated in a victory rally of a fellow supporter, "... These people [members of FS] have no place in our democracy. In the past, the Collectivist Party policy has been to take the high road and leave them be. That was wrong. It has only served to empower these dangerous influences to spread their falsehoods and ideologies of evil."

While normal every-day Shffahkians are debating on whether or not the presidential initiative was right or not, Shffahkian political analysts are wrapping their heads around the actions of Larue. Political analyst André Azaïs said "Party compliance has always been a priority with every politician, president or not. For onlookers, it seems that Larue has either silenced the CP or is simply working outside the party which hasn't been done since the 1940's." 

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  • 4 weeks later...

President Larue: "Culture and language supersede political ideology"

170px-Fleur_de_Lis_wall.jpgPresident Larue shocked many a Shffahkian on November the 28th as she introduced a new bill to the Federal Senate and the Chamber of Representatives. The bill doesn't fall short from total political reform for both Shffahkia and the Collectivist Party itself. Central to the bill is the return of Aurelian Lysonism. 

A Blast from the Past

Aurelian Lysonism was a political doctrine and a societal belief that Shffahkia was united, not by race, religion or geography, but by the Lysian language. Lysonism played a large part in Shffahkian expansion. A notable rift appeared, however, during the 1880s, Aurelian Lysonists were separated into classical Aurelio-Lysonists and into Aurelio-Lysophones. The difference became over culture as Aurelio-Lysonists saw that Lysian culture was also a uniting factor whilst Aurelio-Lysophones saw that only the Lysian language was the great uniting factor of Shffahkia. Lysonist doctrines saw their end with the Shffahkian civil war. During the terror of Delacroix, Shffahkia officially denounced Lysonism since it was seen as anti-collectivist. Finally, in the break-up of Shffahkia in the 1960s, Shffahkia lost most of its territory, and the former Shffahkian states were divided on the basis of political ideology officially ending the era of Lysonism until now as President Larue 

The Bill

The bill itself revolves around Shffahkian citizenship, civil rights and language reform. According to the bill, any native Lysian-speaking Aurelian is eligible for Shffahkian citizenship. This upset many as a large part of Collectivist ideology are the denial and denouncement of Nationalism. The President argued that Aurelio-Lysian unity supersedes any political ideology. The General Secretary of the Collectivist Party, Jacob Baillairgé, called Larue "a traitor of the collective cause" which has put the president against the party. Political commentator, André Azaïs, called the bill a break-up of Larue with the party. However, the Collectivist Party was unable to stop the passing of the bill through the legislative organs as Larue has systematically replaced party loyalty with loyalty towards herself within the Federal Senate and the Chamber of Representatives greatly reducing the CP's influence. 

Second, the bill guarantees that all government services should be conducted primarily in Lysian and that Esperanto should lose its government support. This effectively backpedals the last 30 years of Esperanto use in governance. This part of the bill was largely seen as an effort on Larue's part to erase Kondukanto's mark in Shffahkia for good. President Laure herself called Kondukanto's reign "a time best left forgotten". Larue has said herself to be a collectivist and to be fiercely opposed to nationalism, yet she has insisted on the importance of Aurelio-Lysian culture and language. 

Third, the bill requires that Shffahkia officially change its national spelling standards from Europan Lysian to Aurelian Lysian. This means that Shffahkia is now officially called "La République Fédérative da Sfakie" and that the language itself is called "Lycien". Shffahkia remained the only Lysophone country in Aurelia to not officially use the Aurelian standard which has now changed. 



Public support and reception of the bill have been immensely positive. According to polls, Larue has risen to be the most popular president of Shffahkia with an approval rating that averages 70%. The high approval rate can mostly be attributed to her near-constant reforms. Larue has crafted herself an image as a uniting figure in contemporary Shffahkia, yet many critics say she is still another collectivist president but with a pro-Lysian spin.

Following the passing of the bill, the flag of the OAL (Organisation Aurelienne da Lysiophonie) also known as the Union flag was hung beside the Shffahkian flag. The moment itself symbolized Shffahkian commitment to the Aurelio-Lysian cause. 

"Le temps da division est terminé. Ce jour marque la commence d'une époque d'unité entre les aurelio-lyciens. Nous ne devrions plus être séparé sur la base de l'idéologie politique parce que notre culture et notre langue la surpassent. La cause collective, c'est notre cause, c'est la cause d'unité aurelio-lycienne." stated Larue finishing her speech. 

Shffahkia hasn't been unified since the 1960s, and Larue herself was born in the early '70s which have left many wondering if her new-found vision of unity is time appropriate or at all achievable.

Edited by Shffahkia
Fixed the title (see edit history)
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André Azaïs - De Kondukanto à LarueMuch anticipated Azaïs book hits the shelves this weekend

Political analyst and former foreign minister, André Azaïs, will publish his long-awaited book La Sfakie De Kondukanto à Larue (Shffahkia from Kondukanto to Larue) this weekend. The book is a part of his massively popular La Sfakie series which concentrates on specific Shffahkian political or historical topics being the third in the series.

The two previous works La Sfakie Une Rupture and La Sfakie Sous La Poigne de Fer de Delacroix. However, this time Azaïs isn't talking of a historical topic but rather recounting his own experiences as a Shffahkian politician from the Kondukanto administration to the current Larue administration.

Before the release of his book, Azaïs gave a short interview answering some popular question about the book's topic on Shffahkian Public Broadcast.

"What is your opinion of Kondukanto as a leader?"

"Kondukanto was, by most accounts, an excellent leader. He modernized many aspects of Shffahkian society with his policies which has caused the current growth and relative prosperity enjoyed by Shffahkians today. A good example of his capabilities is the Shffahkian public transportation system."

"Pre-Kondukanto public transportation was a nightmare. Travelling across Shffahkia was immensely difficult due to the state of neglect the public transportation industry was in. Kondukanto's administration renewed public transportation through the implementation and adaptation of technology. Today most Shffahkians don't see the need for a car because using public transportation has become so easy and available."

"Still, he had two weaknesses which to this day hurt Shffahkia. First, his infamous Esperanto revolution made Shffahkia an international piranha. Second, his foreign policy was downright outdated. Kondukanto spent millions behind the scenes to possibly incite Collectivist revolutions in other countries, yet it barely led to anything. I worked as the foreign minister. For my part, I focused on the upkeep of cordial ties with most nations which at times was almost impossible with the more radical ideas of Kondukanto floating around." 

"Nevertheless, Kondukanto's insistence on Esperanto actually made Shffahkian civil administration far more representative than previously. Today some 47% of Shffahkian government officials are women which is a drastic change from the previous 28%. His foreign policy led to closer ties with nations such as Fulgistan. So, in a way, even his more radical policies helped Shffahkia. Overall, he was a fantastic leader and truly committed to his position."

"Who is more powerful the president or the party, and is Larue truly Collectivist?"

"This is a very common question. For most onlookers, it seems as if the president and the party are in a conflict of sorts, but this isn't exactly true. Larue, for her part, has replaced party loyalty with loyalty towards herself. This hasn't only happened in the government but also the party." 

"Larue draws her support from two main sources: the army and newcomers. Having worked in the army, I reckon, Larue has more support among military officials than among party members themselves. There's a reason why members of Front Sfakien were arrested by soldiers than actual police officers. The Collectivist Party itself is rife with factionalism. This began with Kondukanto himself dividing the party into Collectivist hard-liners and his opposers who later rallied around Vigier, etc... Today the party is divided between Larue's supporters and opposers. Larue's side is simply more unified and influential than the rest of the party. It is no shock then that Larue has systematically replaced both Vigier and Kondukanto supporters alike with far younger and more loyal neo-collectivists. I was actually fired from my position due to my public support for Vigier." 

"This brings me to the second question. Larue is collectivist, yet her collectivism revolves around Shffahkian reunification and a more open Shffahkian society. This is as far I can go without this turning into a rant about the various socio-economic connotations of Neo-Collectivism."

"Was Larue's rise to power a surprise?"

"Larue's rise to power? No. Larue, even before the referendum, had immense political power herself being one of the bigwigs of the party. This was mostly due to her close ties with the military. Not even Kondukanto knew as many people in the military as she. Vigier, on the other hand, also had very limited ties to the military. Larue was a link of sorts between the Collectivist Party and the army which was the source of her influence at the time. Her election as president was neither a surprise. A popular veteran has a considerable lead in terms of undecided voters. And back then the President of the Federal Senate didn't really have all that power." 

"Larue's rise to total power was a surprise. Despite her influential position within the party, she didn't show any interest in becoming the next leader. The chaos that ensued after the referendum gave her the chance to claim the mantle of leader. I cannot say why she did what she did. Especially because the wind was clearly blowing Vigier's way after the referendum. The Shffahkian Council's decision to not allow Vigier to succeed Kondukanto was a surprise and led to the situation from which Larue decided to take advantage of. This surprised many of us of the old administration, and let's not even get to the Larue amendments."

"What do you think of Larue?"

"Larue is a hard person to have an opinion over. On one side, she has almost total power within Shffahkia. On the other, she is certainly more open towards criticism than previous leaders even supporting Shffahkian reunification. At the moment, she rules Shffahkia as the President of the Union, which is a title brought back from Federalist Shffahkia, with the help and influence of the technocrats in the Collective of Ministers. Her supporters control both the Shffahkian Council and the Federal Senate with clear majorities. This makes the Chamber of Representatives the last legislature that can oppose Larue in a meaningful way which isn't very likely as state elections are coming. Without going too deeply into things, Larue is certainly something new but whether it is actually good for Shffahkia must remain to be seen."

For a far more detailed look at politics within contemporary Shffahkia, be sure to check out Azaïs' new book La Sfakie De Kondukanto à Larue coming out November 8th.

Edited by Shffahkia (see edit history)
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b26ec484f6295f04950e4226bbc16995--code-barre-barcode-tattoo.jpgShffahkian writer René Cerf dies aged 92

Famous Shffahkian Collectivist writer, René Cerf, born 1926 was confirmed dead on Wednesday the 12th of December 2018. The cause of death specified on the death certificate of the late writer was cardiac arrest with respiratory failure and congestive heart failure as underlying causes. The death of Cerf marks an end to a life almost as old as the Shffahkian Collectivist Party itself.

René Cerf was possibly the most famous Shffahkian Collectivist writer whose carrier began in the 1960s with his book "La Duelo de Ideologioj" (1965) which was a political commentary based on 1960s' Shffahkia with the Shffahkian break-up looming on the background. He officially changed his name to Reneo Serfo to reflect his political allegiance. 

His claim to fame was the 1974 book "La Moderna Viro" where he laid out the characteristics and foundations of what he called "the optimal Collectivist man" who is altruistic, creative and replaceable. The book itself describes his own interpretation of the Collectivist utopia, a world where there no gods or kings reign. Core to his book were its deep-rooted criticisms of class societies and the plethora of ways with which Capitalism enables the antiquated world standards.

The most known of his work outside Shffahkia is "La Konsumanto-Sklavo" or "The Consumer-Slave" (1997). In this book, Cerf speaks of a dystopia where the populace is controlled by the faceless government referred to as the House of Naï. The House of Naï controls society, not through any religious dogma, force or political ideology, but through Consumerism. The House of Naï is formed from the Sons of Fhaign who are the rich and influential controlling the means of production and thus controlling society through various consumables such as new clothes and new cars. The society laid out within this book is one obsessed with the prospect or satiating their individual egoist needs with the newest fads. This way of life is called Nova Vivo within the book, and central to it is the concept that a man cannot be happy if he doesn't have as much as possible of the newest products. According to Nova Vivo, a person's worth comes not from their inherent humanity or labour, but rather through the economic potential that person possesses which is seen from their own possessions. The individual is constantly pressured to buy the new needless commodity so they may truly be happy until the next new commodity comes out. The book follows the organization L1B3R3C0 or FR33D0M which seeks to undo the rule of the House of Naï.

René Cerf was deeply engaged with Shffahkian politics and clashed many a time through his 92 years of living with the Collectivist Party and Kondukanto. He has gone on record calling President Larua "a dictator who is only a stone's throw away from a tyrant." Despite the historically cold relations between the two, Larue stated during Public Broadcast that "... Cerf and I didn't have the best relations, and I'd wager to guess he had less than great things to say of me. Nevertheless, he was an exemplary writer one we will miss sourly. But his death reminds us that as the world changes so does Shffahkia..."

René Cerf stated within his will that he wishes to donate his body towards scientific causes after his death. Thus he will not be buried. A memorial is set to December the 17th within his hometown of Notiqualle where a memorial plaque will be unveiled at the Notiqualle town hall to honour one of its most distinguished inhabitants. 

Edited by Shffahkia (see edit history)
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Collective Minister Igor Quint forcefully removed from the Senate during Mental Breakdown

3083285098_f8390a695f.jpgLong-time Collective Minister, Igor Quint, aged 70 suffered a mental breakdown during his speech to the Federal Senate on Friday the 22nd of December at approximately 20:00 o'clock. 

Collective Minister Quint was giving a speech regarding the further implementations of indoor farming within Shffahkiaville when slowly his language and terminology began to become more aggressive towards the Senate. Some ten minutes into his speech and questioning, he began to insult other senators who approached his proposal with scepticism. When half an hour had passed, his behaviour took a stark turn towards the neurotic. He began to exhibit rapid fluctuations in his mood. One moment seeming extremely depressed, yet the other entering a state of mania. 

It was after the half-hour mark that Collective Minister Quint began to assault Senator Grégoire Barreau first throwing a shoe towards him and then throwing his glass of water towards the inquiring senator. Historically, Senator Barreau and Minister Quint have collided on a plethora of issues and policies. The guards initially began intervening after Minister Quint threw his glass at the senator. However, it took some 7 guards and some senators to chase him out of the Senate. Minister Quint finished his speech by saying  "Vous savez ce qu'il ne va pas avec ce bordel de monde? C'est ce que tout le monde veut une solution magique à chaque problème mais personne, presonne je dis, n'est prête pour y croire, la magie!"(You know what's wrong with this world? It's that everyone wants a magic solution to every problem but no one, and I mean no one, is ready to believe in magic!)

Following this, Minister Quint began to run around the Senate building in an effort to avoid capture. The 70-year-old man was capable of avoiding capture from the guards some 2 more hours largely thanks to him barricading himself in an elevator. The Senate security footage shows Minister Quint frantically running around the Senate building. The footage itself has received widespread media attention. Many people pointing out the surprising fitness of the 70-year-old Minister.

After the capture of Minister Quint, he was taken to police custody where he remains as of now. The Shffahkiaville police officially announced that his mental condition is being tested to figure out the proper course of action. Minister Quint has served Shffahkia some 40 years where he has made a name for himself for sticking up against "idiotic politicians who know not what they do" which has made him somewhat known in Shffahkia. 


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Dead Shffahkian Inmate Found in Solitary Confinement Cell Ignites Controversy


Jaïr Taulle, 38, was found dead in a solitary confinement cell in the Éleigne Federal Penitentiary on January the 7th 2019. The death was initially reported as a suicide by the prison faculty.

However, the sister of the deceased, Anne Lozé, didn't buy the initial report later filing a request for an investigative committee to look into the matter on January 9th. The Committee for the Investigation of Prisoner Maltreatment in Éleigne Federal Penitentiary returned January 14th with its findings that would go on to shock many Shffahkians. The committee found that Jaïr Taulle had died of dehydration as a result of extreme neglect from the prison staff.  

Interviews with staff members reveal that he was left as the only inmate in solitary confinement by a checking error leading to him essentially being forgotten. A guard wishing to remain anonymous said ".... [the] part where solitary confinement is located is actually rarely visited by guards or staff when there's no inmate there." The committee concluded with the finding that a checking error had led to Taulle being reported as absent from solitary confinement when in reality he was still there. The guard in charge of checking was found to not have been actually the one to conduct the procedure. Rather he had left it to another guard which according to the anonymous guard isn't very rare. "The lack of resources and manpower often leads to situations where senior guards allocate their duties to newer officers."

The horrific discovery of the actual conditions in Éleigne has galvanized many into action and caused an uproar in many parts of Shffahkia. The locals living near Éleigne have signed a petition to close the facility down. The petition will be looked over by the Mines Générales rehabilitation committee. Yet this isn't the first time the treatment of prisoners has caused uproar in Shffahkia. It isn't even the first time Éleigne has caused such controversy. Colloquially Éleigne is known as Monmor (Mont Mort) for its location and infamous reputation. 

Prison reform has long been discussed and advocated for. There has even been a hit movie called "The Blue Inmate"  based on a book of the same name written by Sacha Taôme. The Blue Inmate is a biography telling the story of the writer's own experiences as an inmate in a similar neglected facility in the early 2000s. The most memorable scene from the movie is the so called "yard execution" where a guard outright shoots an uncooperative inmate. "The system became very clear to me at that moment. Guards who are willing to do egregious acts get promoted while the decent leave. This is all in the name of efficiency, to keep the facility productive. The food shortages, overworking inmates and the disregard most are put under make perfect sense when you think of the purpose of the facility: to produce as much as possible with the lowest cost. It all creates this toxic atmosphere where inmates live in a perpetual state of terror fearing for their very survival. To my knowledge, that guard hasn't faced any repercussions for taking the inmate's life to this day." Sacha writes about the occurrence. 

Tougher Than Tough When Is It Enough?

Enacting prison reform isn't a simple affair. The Federal Senate, the Chamber of Representatives and the Collective of Ministers have no say in prison reform as rehabilitation and facilities related to it are strictly under the control of the Shffahkian Council. The sitting president of the Council, President Rémy, has flat out stopped any attempt at reform. His "tougher-than-tough" rehabilitation policy is mostly credited with the current prison system and its results both good and bad. According to the current system, inmates are classified as either risk inmates or not. The risk classification is given to repeat offenders or inmates charged with especially heinous crimes such as murder or corruption. In practice, this creates two systems, and depending on the system where an inmate is put, it could be the difference between rehabilitation and neglect. 

System 1 has been praised for its efficiency and results. First-time offenders often find that prison life in the 1st system resembles everyday life with facilities looking more like campuses. Inmates also have a myriad of employment and education options. The 1st system is first and foremost made to rehabilitate. As a result, it boasts great results such as a low return rate. The 1st system seems and in many ways is radically forgiving. It is focused on the bigger picture, what's best for society.

In stark contrast to the 1st system, is the 2nd system where so called risk inmates are sent. Repeated offences, bad behavior and heinous crimes lead to an inmate being branded as a risk. The largest difference between the two systems is that the 2nd system is not designed to rehabilitate its prisoners. Risk inmates are often forced to into physical labor and are offered little in terms of educational opportunities. The 2nd system has a history of being put under international and local scrutiny for its cruel and unusual practices. Inmates that do leave the 2nd system often experience dire physical and psychological medical problems from beatings and psychological torture which are a part of everyday prison life. President Rémy's prison reforms have set a bleak outlook for anyone designated to be a risk since funding has largely been allocated to the 1st system. A 2017 study from the University of Shffahkiaville revealed that 2nd system facilities allocate only a 6th of the funding per prisoner than their 1st system counterparts.  "The lack of funding has led to facilities having to compensate through 'morally grey' activities. These include selling prisoner labor even when the facility in question isn't a labor camp and reselling prisoner's food and other supplies which means prisoners often get food only every other day in the present and that prison cafeterias are often empty. This is because facilities in the 2nd system often have such lacking funding that we have next to nothing left after we consider the pay for the faculty. If a facility wants to have educational courses or anything of the sort, it has to come up with the funding itself." An anonymous warden had to say of the situation.

The Senate, Chamber and Collective of Ministers have all passed bills officially requesting for prison reform from the Council, but President Rémy has stood by his reforms arguing that a harsher stance on repeat offenders and heinous criminals deters crime, and that lowered funding leads to the resources being spent on those who still have a chance of rehabilitation. In fact, President Rémy has advocated for even harsher treatment but has been stopped by more moderate members of the Shffahkian Council. With the situation as it is in the Council, prison reform of any kind seems unlikely despite popular demand. 

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President Larue Abolishes The Collectivist Party 

Emblem of the UCTUnion President Adélaïde Laure, following the passing of the Paranne Reintegration Act of 2019, spoke to the Shffahkian people, not as the Union President, but as the General Secretary of the Collectivist Union of the Worker (UCT / Union Collectiviste du Travailleur) or more commonly known as the Collectivist Party. The declaration shocked the nation when she declared the abolishment of the UCT marking the end of the Collectivist Party originally formed in 1892 and stated as the only allowed party in 1929 by then Premier-Dirigeant and President Duncan Delacroix. 

"Shffahkia is changing, our democracy is changing. Never as much as now with the passing of the Paranne Reintegration Act of 2019. We no longer live in the Shffahkia of Delacroix or Kondukanto. There is no longer a justification for the one-party system and by extension for the UCT. It is why I, Adélaïde Larue, as the current General Secretary of the Collectivist Union of the Worker officially announce the abolishment of the Collectivist Union of the Worker. Democracy is about the dialogue of ideas between its inhabitants. The UCT has acted, not in the favour of this dialogue of ideas, but against it. I extend my deepest gratitude to all party members who have laboured in the name of Collectivism within the party to improve Shffahkia, but now it is the time for us to reopen the dialogue about Collectivism. To once more debate and contribute to Collectivism. I have had many discussions on this within the party and have made preparations for a smooth transition so as to not cause alarm or damages. Diversity will only serve to better Shffahkia. It is time for Shffahkia as a nation to move forward towards a more open democracy and to close the books on the UCT for good ..."

President Larue's speech was broadcasted throughout Shffahkia. Many cheered for what is seen as an extension of political freedoms and democracy long overdue in Shffahkia. Some were not as happy with the news. Many politicians and state-level official expressed doubt and condemnation claiming that abolishing the one-party system would lead to inter squabbles and extended factionalism. The abolishment has opened many unanswered questions. For example, what will happen to prisoners convicted of actions against the party? 


Only hours after the declaration, President Larue officially announced that she would become the leader of the new Lyso-Unionist Party (PLU / Parti Lyso-Uinioniste). Joining the former president of Paranne Dutoit and president of the OAL (Organisation Aurélienne da Lysophonie) Cortot, Larue declared that the LUP is a party first and foremost for the reunification of Shffahkia. Where the party is located at the political spectrum was left vague. Many political analysts say that based on the political policies of President Larue and Cortot that the LUP would most likely be a left-leaning Centrist party. 

In opposition to the PUL, politicians such as Senator Igor Quint and the President of the Chamber of Representatives Jean Vou announced the New Collectivists Party (PNC / Parti des Nouveaux Collectivists). Chamber President Vou said that the PNC would act as a stabilizing force against the radical policies of Larue making sure that Shffahkia changes at an acceptable pace. Many hard-line Collectivists have pledged their support for the party. 


With the abolishment of the UCT, Larue also announced that new elections would be held to redistribute seats in the four legislatures of Shffahkia most notably the Federal Senate and the Chamber of Representatives. However, elections would only be held in the newly reintegrated territories of Paranne. This means that the states of Pranhahasse and Deux-Rivières, the special administrative region of the Silver Coast and the Federal District of Shffahkiaville will not have elections. The states of Mines Générales, West Catherine, Eustathe and Catherine and the special administrative regions of Port-de-Lys and the Goodman State would have elections and public nominations respectively to choose the new representatives to serve in the Senate and Chamber.

When asked about these abnormal elections, President Larue stated that "We have already had the Federal Senate Elections which means that it would be somewhat null to have them again. Instead, I shall hold bipartisan talks between the PLU and PNC to agree upon which seats shall be replaced in each of the legislatures. This way we can assure a fair outcome for both sides." 

Many senators and representatives have already announced their party affiliation, but a fourth of all senators and a sixth of all representatives have yet to tell which party they support. Political Analyst André Azaïs stated "This will be a rather interesting time politically for Shffahkia. It's hard to predict, if the two parties will become polarized towards one another, or if they will successfully work in a bipartisan manner. Many Larue sceptics have made their way into the PNC which paints a picture towards the first possibility. At the same time, Jean Vou has worked and cooperated with the Larue administration on many issues."

Polls are being conducted on both citizen and politician alike to measure the popularity of each party. 

The Mercier Research Base in Antargis Announced

Eustaceland-Antargis-Base.pngWhile the abolishment of the Collectivist party and the new elections shocked the Shffahkian political community, the scientific community was surprised when the Mercier Research Base was announced jointly by the University of Ruban Rouge (URR) in Shffahkia and the Cassiano Santaniello International University (CSIU) in @Fulgistan. The two universities confirmed that they have received funding from their respective governments to establish an international scientific research base in Antargis on the peninsula called Eustaceland.

Originally discovered in the early 1800s by the Shffahkian explorer Alexandre Mercier who named the peninsula he thought to be an island after the then Shffahkian Emperor Eustace I. The area became known as Terre Eustache or Eustaceland thereafter. It became the favourite spot for fishermen and hunters because of walrus tusk ivory, known as morse, from the Ivory Walrus or Obobenus Rosmarus Magnus. 19th century Shffahkians plied the area for the precious material as it was a valuable and a prestige item back home. The ivory didn't always stay in Shffahkia. Revolvers with ivory handles or "Eustacian grips" as they were known were also popular in the western territories of Fulgistan.

In recent times, Fulgistan and Shffahkia have cooperated to halt the black market sale of walrus tusk ivory with methods such as flooding the markets with fake ivory to drop the price. The collaborative methods have seen varying degrees of success with a colony of Ivory Walruses being confirmed to have returned to Eustaceland in 1984. There onwards a bloom in the ivory walrus colony was noticed. Alongside the walrus colony, Eustaceland is home to various other Antargis Species such as the Antargis midge. It is the biodiversity both on and off land in the area that makes it an optimal place for the MRB.

The MRB has been in the works for a long time in the two universities, but it was only recently that they were able to acquire the funding necessary to build the station. The day-to-day administration of the RMB will be conducted by the Supervisory Committee of the Mercier Research Base (SCMRB) formed from the faculty of the Cassiano Santaniello International University and the University of Ruban Rouge and other researchers involved in the project. The SCMRB's mission is to ensure that the MRB is only used for scientific research and that the territorial sovereignty of Antargis is respected. "The MRB will be established first and foremost for the pursuit of scientific knowledge about Antargis. The area is home to a wide variety of both land and marine wildlife. Most notably the return of the Ivory Walrus allows us to monitor how an endangered species can recover. The station also allows us to keep a closer eye on possible poaching which is still a problem in the area as the price of walrus tusk ivory is still extremely high in the black markets. But most salient is the fact that the MRB welcomes private researches and international organisations alike to make use of its facilities for the betterment of science and our understanding of Antargis."  Gérald Rousseau from the University of Ruban Rouge commented as the flag of the MRB was showed to the crowd of journalists and reporters. 


Edited by Shffahkia (see edit history)
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ShffahkiaStatesMap.pngDassie Revivalists Demand Secession

In recent weeks Shffahkian news has been filled with speculation and guessing about the upcoming elections. The elections of 2019 are set up to become one among Shffahkia's most bizarre elections. As the party negotiations between the Lyso-Unionist Party (LUP) and the New Collectivists' Party (PNC) wage onwards, another issue has popped up in social media and has made its way to mainstream news outlets. Some say the issue is nothing but a distraction, others are taking it seriously. The issue in question is the Dassie State Revivalist Movement (Le Mouvement Revivaliste d'État Dassie). 

(The Shffahkian States and Special Administrative Regions by their flags ->)

Shffahkia is a federative republic formed from six states (Piranhahasse, Catherine, Catherine-Occidentale, Mines Générales, Deux-Rivières and Eustathe), two Special Administrative Regions (Région Administrative Speciale: Port-de-Lys, Côte D'Argent and L'État aux Bonshommes) and one Federal District (Sfakieville). The Dassie State Revivalist Movement wants to, depending on how much is demanded, add one state to that number.

The DSRM has been active ever since the state of Dassie was disbanded by Emperor Eustace I. Historically the cause has been carried on by the Dassie State Society of Port-Réel. However, following the Collectivist Revolution, many Dassie revivalists saw their chance with the new regime. Unfortunately, Delacroix, the leader of the revolution, didn't provide the means for secession. From the 50s onward, the DSRM became the target of ridicule, especially in the entertainment industry which has led to many forgetting the history of one of Shffahkia's first states.


Shffahkia1755.pngIn the late 1700s, Shffahkia was divided into Lysian colonies, located in the south, and @Limonaian colonies, located in the north. The Limonaian and Lysian colonists lived in relative peace until a border dispute erupted between the two colonies over differing interpretations of border agreements. At first, it was thought that the disputed territory belonged to Dassie, however, it was soon found out that the Lilly River on which the border is based on didn't reach the disputed area. Instead, the colony of Saint-Esprit was given the right to claim the land. The dispute would go on to cause the Second Shffahko-Colonial War, but the decision to side with Saint-Esprit instead of Dassie is considered the first betrayal by revivalists.

Dassie was among the most prosperous colonies even being home to the de facto capital: Port Réel, yet it had its problems. Most notably the colony was divided by the Grande Rivière. It made enforcing the Royal Code beyond the great river extremely difficult. Following independence, Emperor Eustace I dissolved Dassie and other states as a part of his wide-reaching land reform. The territory Dassie became parts of Deux-Rivières, Mines Générales, Catherine, Saint-Esprit and Catherine-Occidentale.

Historians often call the land reforms of Eustace I as necessary and large improvements. The DSRM, on the other hand, calls it the Mutilation of Dassie. As a result of the land reforms, Dassie was completely absorbed into neighbouring states leaving many of its residents feeling that they had lost their voice. This isn't prominent in the coast, but deeper into previous Dassie lands, one will find the backstaters. 

Backstaters are a group of people who still identify as Dassies. They're most prominent in the state of Deux-Rivières whose capital Dasse used to be the capital of Dassie. The DSRM isn't unified in its demands. Many backstaters in Deux-Riviéres simply want the southern portion to secede and become its own state with Dasse as its capital. Others want nearby areas on Piranhahasse and Mines Générales to be added to this hypothetical state.


The most extreme supporters of the DSRM demand that Dassie be reinstated as it was in the 1750s. This hypothetical Dassie would have four state capitals Croïx, Bel-Horizon, Dasse and the largest city of Shffahkia Port-Réel within its borders. Dassie would become the largest state of Shffahkia containing vast resources and almost a third of the population. Oddly enough, this state would hold within it 2 exclaves, one from Catherine and the other from Piranhahasse. 

The DSRM is unlikely to find any success as the fractured nature of the movement and general disinterest towards it have often left in the realm of the unknown. Despite this bleak outlook, Ivan Baume, self-identified Dassie has this to say: "Although the future may seem bleak, we must remember the times of the first settlers of Shffahkia and their trials. The very men and women who then went on to found Dassie. The DSRM is not about secession. It is about unification. It is about becoming as great as we once were. It's about finding a voice once lost and learning to sing with it. And until we sing the song of secession, we'll raise the remembrance flag."

In the current Socio-political atmosphere of uncertainty, it cannot be said for sure if issues decades old such as Dassie will once more surface. Following NSAS polling, it was revealed that some 34% of Shffahkians asked don't know what Dassie is and that well over 60% of Shffahkians asked did not recognize the Dassie Memorial Flag when shown it without prior mention of the place. 


Edited by Shffahkia (see edit history)
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Shffahkian Supreme Court to Overrule "Absolute Abolition" RulingCSCRFS-Emblem.png

The Shffahkian Supreme Court officially called "The Supreme Court of the Collectivities of the Federative Republic of Shffahkia" (Lycian: La Cour Suprême des Collectivités da République Fédérative da Sfakie) overruled the Absolute Abolition ruling. Officially called the Absolute Abolition of Religion in Shffahkia ruling, it was the ruling given by the CSCRFS in 1947 on various laws banning religious organisations, religious clothing and religious practices. The ruling defined that all and any religious symbolism, cultural, artistic or otherwise, are banned from public spaces and government-operated organisations. 

Laws against religion were already put in place since the 1910s. However, religious symbols and imagery were allowed in special circumstances for cultural and artistic reasons. Following the efforts of Duncan Delacroix, Premier-Dirigeant of the Collectivist Republic of Shffahkia (1912-1958), the Shffahkian Supreme Court extended the interpretation of already-existing legislation to include an absolute ban of all forms of religion in the Collectivist Republic which became referred to as Absolut Abolition or Abolition Absolute. 


The ruling required the removing or remodelling of an estimated 439 711 religious symbols in the state of Piranhahasse alone. The Absolute Abolition also affected states or Collectivities which Cote-dargent---Drapeau.png meant several state symbols and even the flags of Piranhahasse and the Silver Coast had to be changed to no longer bear any religious symbols leading to the modern day flags of the two states.

The Silver cross and the red background symbolizing the Shffahkian Empire were replaced with the Aurelian Lily and a dark blue background symbolizing the Collectivist Republic of Shffahkia. Surprisingly the Limonaian tricolour was allowed to remain in the flag to reflect its history as a Limonaian colony.


The Flag of Piranhahasse had its cross turned to a gold-red ray pattern. The flag changes saw minor protests mostly in Piranhahasse as the cross flag was a beloved symbol of the state.


Piranhahasse-Drapeau-de.pngThe Future of Religion in Shffahkia?

Despite the repeal of Absolute Abolishment, Religion as well as practising any religion in Shffahkia that is not endorsed by the state through any organisation not approved by the government of Shffahkia remains a crime. It is estimated that some 26% of Shffahkians still practice some form of religious worship but only an estimated one-third of religious ceremonies and happenings are done through the appropriate channels making the majority of religious worship in the country illegal.

Unfortunately, the current model of limited religious acceptance is a compromise that pleases no one. Anti-religion groups aim to stop the reintegration of religion into Shffahkian culture claiming that despite there being a legal way to practice religion, the majority of religious worshipers choose to break the law showing extreme disregard to the rules and foundations of the Shffahkian state. 

At the same time, religious organisations and cultural revivalist movements claim that church and state should be separated and all religious worship be allowed in Shffahkia instead of making churches subservient to civil servants in the government. 

ORCEPS-Emblem.pngOver 107 Years of Religious Oppression, Why Now? 

The open public disdain has slowly been replaced by a general sense of apathy. Religion is commonly viewed with apathy by the majority of Shffahkians as many different polls show. Contributing to the hate of religion is the openly discriminatory policies of the government against many religious practitioners and propaganda aimed towards them. Although you cannot be trialled on the basis of your beliefs in Shffahkia as stated in the Shffahkian constitution, religious worshipers on average receive sentences one-fourth longer than non-religious worshippers.

Political analysists trace the decision to repeal Absolut Abolition to two points: the ORCEPS and the upcoming elections. ORCEPS (Lycian: Organisation pour la Rennaisance Culturelle des Espace Publique en Sfakie, Limonaian: Organizzazione per la Rinascite Culturale di Spazi Publici in Sfachia) is a cultural revivalist movement based in Port-de-Paix, Côte d'Argent that aims to reintroduce many cultural symbols banned as a result of similar legislation. The latest addition to the Supreme Court, Ouilla Barbetta is a member of ORCEPS and the main voice behind the decision to overrule Absolute Abolition. There are many similar organizations and movements so why did ORCEPS become chosen in particular to have its voice heard?

Political analyst, André Azaïs gave the following comment: "ORCEPS is a very safe choice as they don't advocate for religion itself. Instead, they advocate for the return of historic Shffahkian symbols. In essence, it's the continuation of the current compromise and most likely an attempt to draw in more support from that 26% but at the same time not upset the more revolutionist parts of the LUP. President Larue, despite having expressed great disdain towards religion in her old party days, has had a revalitvely lax policy on religion. For example, no churches have been demolished during her administration."

Edited by Shffahkia (see edit history)
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  • 3 weeks later...

Lysonism brought to test - Catherine flag change put on ballotCatherine-en-Sfakie.png

The Electoral Committee of the Collectivity of Catherine (Le Comité Électoral da Collectivité da Catherine) or CECC declared on a press release that a proposed flag change would make its way to the Catherine ballot on the upcoming State Elections officially referred to as the Collectivities Elections. Catherine is the second largest state of Shffahkia by population with some 30 million inhabitants which is only surpassed by the most populous Shffahkian Collectivity, Piranhahasse. Together Catherine and Piranhahasse are home to roughly half of all Shffahkians.

Despite its prominent position in Shffahkian politics, it has been overshadowed regularly by the larger state of Piranhahasse in the past. The situation, however, has changed with the Reintegration of Paranne. As a part of the reintegration act, the Collectivity of Catherine received a significant amount of land increasing its political influence, especially when taking into consideration the relative wealth located in the new southern parts of Catherine. Yet with this new land, came new residents. Residents who do not see the current collectivity flag as representative of the state. In fact, the current flag is the same as the emblem of the Catherine branch of the now-abolished Collectivist Party.

Catherine-old-flag.pngResidents wishing to change the flag began collecting signatures from other residents in order to get the attention of the CECC. After a month of collecting signatures amounting to some 800 000 Catherinians signing the petition, the CECC officially took the flag change to its agenda. There are several ways in which change can be sought at the state level. One of them is putting the proposed change to the collectivity ballot and letting residents of state decide for themselves. If residents choose to opt for a flag change, it is the legal responsibility of the elected official such as the state's general assembly and the Governor to see the change through regardless of their own opinions.

Catherine is considered the most "Lysian" state in Shffahkia. Historically Catherine has been the home for most Lyso-Shffahkian movements such as the OAL (Organisation Aurélienne da Lysophonie). Catherine was also the birthplace of Classical Lysonism in Shffahkia which is the forerunner of the current form of Lyso-Collectivism pursued by Union President Larue and her party, the Lyso-Unionist Party (LUP). 

The Lyso-Shffahkian TricolourLyso-Shffahkian-Cockade.png

The Lyso-Shffahkian Tricolor refers to the grey, white and red flag that originated in the late eighteenth century to represent Lyso-Shffahkians. The tricolour was first used by the Southern Lysian Society of Shffahkia (Société Lysienne du sud de la Sfakie) in the form of a cockade to represent the society in the administrative assembly of the Catherine Colony. The tricolour remained in relative anonymity until the Flag Scuffles (Les Bagarres du Drapeau) during which the Lyso-Shffahkian tricolour was adopted by the Lysonists as their choice for the Shffahkian flag. The Flag Scuffles was a period of time situated at the beginning of the reign of Emperor Eustace I revolving around the question of which symbols would be chosen to represent the newly-independent empire.

The Early Shffahkian Empire was in many ways different and almost unrecognisable from the Shffahkia of today. Shffahkian Society was split between the Lysians to the south and the Limonaians to the north. Compared to today's Shffahkia, Limonaians in the Early Empire were far more influential and in some cases more influential than their Lysian counterparts. Northern Shffahkia had grown wealthy as a result of trade with the expansive Limonaian Colonial Empire. The Lysians, on the other hand, didn't have an expansive colonial empire to conduct trade that would have been equally profitable.

Limonaian influence in Shffahkia during the early empire was so great that the first Shffahkian national anthem was written entirely in Limonaian and during the first imperial address, the Emperor began his speech in Limonaian.
First-Flag-Scuffle.pngThe north's still-strong connection to the Limonaian Empire, especially in economic terms, worried many Lysians as only a decade or so before Shffahkia was almost entirely Lysian. Lysonism as a political ideology became increasingly popular among the Lysian aristocracy who sought to protect their culture and language from Limonaian influence. Lysonism largely aimed towards the prevention of the spread of the Limonaian language and culture inside Shffahkia. 

Although originally only popular in the south, internal immigration from Catherine to the other states led to the spread of Lysonism, especially towards western settlements. In time Shffahko-Limonaian immigration towards the west would outgrow Lyso-Shffahkian immigration in volume, however, areas such as West Catharine and Eustathe had already enacted Lysonist policies which caused much of the Lysonisation of the Shffahko-Limonaians seen in the nineteenth century. 

Despite internal immigration from Catherine playing an integral part in the spread of lysonism, it was further helped by the territorial reforms enacted by Eustace I. Seeing the divide between Shffahko-Lysians and Shffahko-Limonaians, Eustace I decided to remedy the situation by combining several culturally Lysian and Limonaian territories into singular states. This would leave Shffahkia with only one primarily Limonaian state which greatly diminished the influence of Shffahko-Limonaians and eased the spread of Lysonism. 

Finally, the improvement of ties between Shffahkia and Limonaia led to more Shffahko-Lysians taking part in Limonaian trade which lessened the economic power and importance of the Limonaian aristocracy. Soon almost completely Lysian cities such as Port-au-Roi and Port-de-Lys became just as rich if not more so than their Limonaian counterparts. 

The slow decrease of cultural Limonaian influence led to the rise of Lysonism. So much so that in a few decades policies of Lysonisation were being enacted on the national level. The first republic, which formed after the fall of the empire, would go on to adopt the Lyso-Shffahkian tricolour as the national flag but at that point, most Shffahko-Limonaians and immigrants had already been Lysonised so far that Limonaian had almost completely disappeared from Shffahkia with only the north as a Shffahko-Limonaian region. 

The disappearance of the Limonaian language from the majority of Shffahkia was considered a cultural necessity in the state of Catherine. It is the vigour at which Catherinian politicians pursued Lysonisation policies which garnered them and Catherine itself a reputation of racism and xenophobia.

This same racism and xenophobia became attached to the Lyso-Shffahkian tricolour which would lead to its ban during the Collectivist Revolution.


The CECC came to the decision that the new flag would be either a previously used flag or a completely new flag. Alongside the two change options, voters can also choose to keep the old flag. The old flag which voters have the option to revive is the original Catherine Flower Flag (Drapeau de la Fleur Catherine). Originally used in the mid-nineteenth century following the creation of the First Republic. The flag in question is considered offensive by many as it's the flag under which many forced lysonisation policies took place. Under the original flag, Lysonisation was a fact of life. Speaking any other language in public spaces was a finable offence, and spreading books were required by law to be exclusively be printed in Lysian. 

Many Shffahkian university students took to the streets to protest against it. The counter-flag protest pointed out that the extensive Lysonisation policies paved the way for the Esperantist and their final revolution. The protests remained peaceful with some police officers deployed to oversee the demonstrations. The protests were among the only technically illegal demonstrations that were not met with an immediate response of violence from the state as has been the norm before. 

New-Catherine-FLag.pngThe second alternative is a version of the Catherine Flower Flag made by Ouilliame d'Éire. The flag has a traditional white background with the Lyso-Shffahkian tricolour below the Catherine Flower. The redesign hasn't garnered much popularity because some see it as disgraceful to the original flag whilst others see it as another symbol for the infamous Lysonisation only slightly altered. 

The response on the government's part has been inaction. Union President Larue stated "... I do not see it [The original flower flag] as a racist symbol as it is more a symbol for Catherine. Catherinians are famously proud of their culture, while I understand this, it is important to note that Catherine and Shffahkia as a whole have changed - we have constitutional guards to prevent such things from happening again. Whether or not it is chosen as the flag is for Catherinians to choose for themselves... "

Previous Administrations have not been so accepting of change but many feel that Larue's openness to the flag change is going too far. "Allowing open discussion about history is a whole thing entirely from allowing the bringing of symbols of cultural oppression into the mainstream." remarked an anonymous protester when interviewed about the reason why they were out on the streets. 

Edited by Shffahkia (see edit history)
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  • 4 weeks later...

Paranne Communitarians Refuse the LUP

FCommunitarian-Flag.pngollowing the end of bipartisan talks held between the Lyso-Unionist Party (LUP) and the New Collectivists Party (PNC), Jeanés Féyeau the chairman of the Social Communitarian Union League (SCUL) declared that he and others from the party will not accept the offer made by Larue's LUP pertaining to a possible coalition.

The SCUL was the second largest party in Paranne that promoted the interests of the liberal left. Having lost both the parliamentary and presidential races in 2012 and 2016 respectively, SCUL found itself excluded from the reintegration talks held between Union President Larue and President Dutoit. Dutoit's FROCON (Lysian: Front Conservateur) or Conservative Front merged with the Lysonist wing of the Collectivist Party to form the Lyso-Unionist Party with SCUL being left out from any significant positions within the new party. Much like with the reintegration talks, SCUL was left out from the bipartisan talks between the LUP and the PNC. So when the LUP approached the SCUL with a coalition offer, Jeanés  Féyeau declined it with little hesitation giving allegations of unfair tactics. 

Communitarianism emerged as a political ideology in the late 1800s even before Collectivism made its mark in Shffahkian politics. While Chevalier was composing his original works, Communitarians were a prominent force attempting to reform the Chevotet Dictatorship from within. 

Progressive-League.pngCommunitarianism traces its roots to the Progressives League, a political organisation which existed in the First Shffahko-Republic until its dissolution in 1898 by then President Émilien Chevotet. The Progressives League was the party to break the duopoly held by the Constitutional Equilibrium League (CEL) and the Free Emancipation Coalition (FEC) ever since the proclamation of the first Shffahko-Republic.

Pierre-Marie Gallois, the creator of the PL, was previously a prominent Emancipationist until coming to the conclusion that both the Emancipationists and Constitutionalists had grown corrupt. Forming his own party, Gallois pulled in many leftists to his new party which advocated for free education and an 8-hour workday. Originally not deemed a threat by the two political giants at the time, Gallois began an aggressive campaign reaching to the common man and the down-trodden for votes. 

Gallois' Progressives Party came close to a landslide victory in the Senate elections of 1886. Despite the PL not having a majority in the Senate, Gallois was able to successfully run for president in 1896. As president, Gallois attempted to fix many of the issues plaguing the republic at the top of which was rampant corruption and unimaginable income inequality.

His attempts would only remain as such when he and his party were deposed from power in a military coup headed by Émilien Chevotet. After the coup d'état, the Progressives League was abolished. Gallois was a pacifist who promoted non-compliance as a means of resistance which in practice allowed Chevotet to depose him without any issues. 

Shffahkia-Original-FLag.pngMany Progressives flocked under the banner of Communitarianism. Under the Chevotet dictatorship, Communitarians attempted to reform the Second Shffahko-Republic promoting democracy and social welfare programs. However, due to the extreme right nature of Shffahkian politics at the time, Communitarians were rarely able to pass any meaningful legislation. Many Communitarians became frustrated at the situation and became radicalized joining either the Syndicalists and Collectivists. The Communitarian Party did not fight alongside the Collectivists during the Shffahkian civil war choosing instead vying for peace.

Under the Dictatorship of Duncan Delacroix, Communitarians slowly began to form the Communitarian wing of the Collectivist Party. During the Consolidation Period, the Collectivist Party had three sides, referred to as wings, which debated over the issues of the time. The three wings composing the Collectivist Party were the Syndicalist wing, the Communitarian wing and the hardline Collectivist wing. The Communitarian wing often switched sides depending on the issues because Communitarians wanted to end the Syndicalist economy whilst still siding with the Syndicalists on many civil issues seeing the hardline Collectivists as too radical. 

Following the death of Delacroix, Communitarians failed to fill the power vacuum. As a result, the Syndicalist Monin faction and their supporters seized power.

Paranne-Flag.pngAfter the Esperantist coup which saw the rise of Nikolao Kondukanto, Communitarians left the Collectivist Party in droves and formed the Free Communitarian Front (FCF). The FCF orchestrated the independence of Paranne in 1978 with the support of many defectors from the Shaffahkian army most notably General McGaughenne who became the first president of Paranne. 

Communitarianism was most prominent in Paranne following its independence to the 1990s. The current Communitarian party, the SCUL, was formed after the so-called Conservative Exodus in the 1990s where several conservative members left the party over fiscal concerns which differed from the party line. 

The SCUL was voted out of power following the 1994 Recession. The hard austerity measures taken by the SCUL were widely unpopular which allowed the FROCON under Dutoit to rise to popularity. Dutoit's Free-Market policies eased the recession by freeing up state resources. Instead of allowing companies, collectives and co-operatives to fall during the recession, Dutoit supported them mostly through loans from other Shffahko-states. 

Communitarians Enter the Ring 

Chambre-election-prediction-map.pngThe SCUL accordion to Féyeau shall run as its own independent party alongside the LUP and PNC in the coming Chambre of Representatives (Lysian: Chambres des Répresentants) elections. Instead of all collectivities having elections, the states of Piranhahasse, Côte d'Argent and Deux-Rivières are without elections meaning that 38 seats in the chamber will not be up for change (21 PNC and 17 LUP seats). This move has been widely criticised by the SCUL as sidestepping democracy. 

The reason why the LUP agreed to give the PNC an advantage in the Chamber elections is the state of Piranhahasse. All collectivities have the freedom to choose in which manner they elect members to the chamber. Piranhahasse, as the largest state, has the most representative seats (25) which are selected through a first-past-the-post voting system. This would mean that the party to gain most votes would gain all 25 seats. Chamber elections have always been close calls in Piranhahasse and required a lot of resources. By not having elections in these three states, the LUP and PNC are splitting the number of seats in Piranhahasse (17 to LUP and 8 to PNC) and not costly competing which normally wouldn't be possible. 

With the Communitarians' refusal to join the LUP, the next question is: where will they compete? The SCUL by most predictions will have the most luck in former Paranne states with the exception of Port-de-Lys. Historically the SCUL has always had great influence in West Catherine and the newly integrated part of Mines Générales. Depending on the success of the Communitarians, they have the possibility to divide the Chamber into three. However, with both the LUP and PNC having seats in advance it is extremely unlikely that the SCUL actually gain a majority.


Political_chart-Shffahkia-2019.pngThe New Political Scene

According to political analyst André Azaïs, Larue's offer of a coalition was an attempt to gather as much support from the newly-reintegrated collectivities as possible for the chamber elections and Senate elections. However, with Dutoit's more right-leaning supporter base, this proved unsuccessful. At the moment the LUP is a centrist party leaning towards the conservative right. 

Unlike both the PNC and SCUL, the LUP doesn't have a clear party line in terms of economic policy. Larue herself has said that the normalisation of Shffahkia will require free markets in some form. This is enough for most to classify the party as right especially in Shffahkia, yet Larue's own policies are very left-leaning. The party's main agenda is the unification of all Shffahko-states but beyond that, the party hasn't decided on an economic strategy deciding to rely on Larue. 

Opposing Capitalism in any form is the PNC. Under Jean Vou and Igor Quint, the PNC has taken harsh stances on Larue's policies. Especially critical of the Aurelian League, the PNC sees cooperation with Rihan and Kirvina to be dangerous to Shffahkia both internally and externally. In lieu of the Aurelian League, the PNC sees cooperation with ICEB countries to be more beneficial to Shffahkia. The PNC has also announced its support for the Mercier Research Base operated jointly by two universities from Shffahkia and Fulgistan respectively. Differences inside the party have risen as well. Jean Vou sees cooperation with Larue as necessary while Quint claims it to be a deal with the devil. 

The newest party to hit the political scene, the Social Communitarian Union League has wasted no time in announcing its criticisms of both the LUP and PNC. The chairman of the SCUL, Jeanés Féyeau, had this to say over his party: "The SCUL is the party first and foremost for civil rights and democracy. It is for these reasons that cooperation with the LUP or PNC is impossible. Both parties have shown that they regard democracy, not as an end, but as a means to one. Until full democracy and political freedom are allowed, the SCUL shall not sign deals with devils or dictators."


Edited by Shffahkia (see edit history)
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  • 2 weeks later...

NSAS-22.3.2019.pngLarue Sets the Press Free

Many journalists, from the head honchos of established news organisations to local internet news bloggers, celebrated as the Federal Senate of the Federative Republic of Shffahkia (Lysian: Sénat Fédéral de la République Fédérative de la Sfakie) passed the Press Emancipation Act of 2019 (Lysian: L'Acte d'Émancipation de la Presse de 2019). This new act held within it several important reforms with the intent of freeing up or "emancipating" Shffahkian press collectives and co-operatives from state supervision and control. This act affects news from your local news channels all the way to Shffahkia's largest news outlet: NSAS.

However, it is good to note that companies were not included in the act meaning that news companies both private and public will have to submit their news articles for approval from the appropriate departments, comply with possible government changes to their articles and follow the supplementary State Codex guidelines among other things. With only one in every seven news organisations in Shffahkia being companies, their exclusion from the act will not have great consequences but was most likely a nod to the PNC on the behalf of the LUP. 

Jeanés Féyeau of the SCUL said that "The Press Emancipation Act is a good first step but it was done half-heartedly. Rights should be expanded, first and foremost, to all and not to some because rights to only some are rights to none."

Larue's Deflated Senate

Senat-Federal-March-2019.pngAt the moment, the Federal Senate is operating normally with 242 senators. With over half of the Senate missing in anticipation for the upcoming elections, people and politicians have begun calling the current Senate "Larue's Deflated Senate." This isn't the first lacklustre Senate in Larue's career as the Senate which would pass the Larue Amendments to the constitution was composed of a record-low one Senator: Senate President and Senator Adélaïde Larue. 

In the Paranne Reintegration Act, it was specified that new elections would be held to both the Chambre of Representatives (some times referred to as the House of Representatives)  and the Federal Senate. The Larue Administration interpreted the need for new elections as election held in collectivities affected by the Reintegration act thus leaving the two states, Piranhahasse and Deux-Rivières, alongside the Special Administrative Region of la Côte d'Argent without elections in the coming months and weeks. Altogether those three collectivities account for some 47% of the entire population of Shffahkia. Alongside that, the interpretation of the Larue Administration affects Shffahko-Limonaians disproportionately with the majority of Shffahko-Limonaians living in those collectivities. This move has been widely criticised by the SCUL with the PNC staying quiet on the matter most likely because they benefit inadvertently.

In order to get new senators in, old senators would have to leave. Again choosing on who stays was the responsibility of the Union President, Larue. A popularity contest of sorts resulted with the most loyal senators being chosen to remain in the Senate. Senators showing disdain or simply not being on board enough were also unlikely to be allowed to stay. Unlike with the Chambre of Representatives, Larue did not consult or negotiate with the PNC leaving her and the LUP with a 242-seat lead into the coming elections.


The History of NSASzjHl2lgef9cYrQL0JFa7kzbw2vuEqBdLnxrE1Td9OXdE9g5shnN1i.png

La Nacia Sciiga Agentejo de Sffahkia (Lysian: Agence de Presse Nationale de la Sfakie, Anglish: The National News Agency of Shffahki) or NSAS was officially started in 1977 by the then Premier-Dirigeant Nikolao Kondukanto's administration as the official mouthpiece of the Esperantist regime. NSAS was formed from the previously existing Nouvelles Nationales (National News) press agency which in term was the mouthpiece of the Shffahkian government during the Monin administration.

The line of government mouthpiece news organisations goes as far as 1897 but what makes NSAS different is that the Kondukanto administration allowed a relatively large scale of press freedom even allowing criticisms to an extent given they had to be in Esperanto. Instead of being a source of countless articles on how great everything was then as many propaganda newspapers were, NSAS openly reported on both the good and bad and the reasons behind them. NSAS was a tool of transparency which was previously unseen in the totalitarian state. 

The New NSAS

New-NSAS.pngWith the Press Emancipation Act, NSAS is no longer under the Ministry of Communication. Instead, NSAS is now an independent government-funded news organisation. What this means in practice is that NSAS journalists no longer have to send their articles and wait for approval from the government. With this change of status, NSAS will also change its logo to reflect its new status.

"This marks the beginning of a new period of journalistic freedom in Shffahkia. Although the changes aren't the most optimal, we are on the right track. Changes unthinkable a few years ago are taking place regardless of how minute they might be, the steps taken today contribute to the freedom and progress of the future." said Sean Buonepaese, the chief-director in charge of NSAS.

Edited by Shffahkia (see edit history)
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Chambre of Representatives Debate Breaks Record

Following the broadcasting of the Chambre of Representatives election, Shffahkian TV stations and streaming services recorded a record number of live viewers to the debates. With over 35,4 million Shffahkians tuning in to watch the live debate, the Chambre of Representatives broke all earlier records topping the previous record held by the Monin-Kondukanto debate in 1968 with a landslide. 

One major reason its success is the sheer fact that it is the first open political debate in Shffahkia since 1898. For 121 years political debates have either been sidestepped or been heavily scripted and subsequently censored. It is no surprise that when the first truly open political debate was announced that it would draw in a large audience. 

The second major reason is the heated back and forth which was observed between sitting Union President Larue and SCUL chairman Féyeau. Despite the PNC also being present at the debate, the spotlight was very much centred towards Larue and Féyeau.

Not content with only answering questions, Féyeau took to the stage and used the opportunity to criticise and question the sitting Union President which was unprecedented. Here are some notable moments from the debate as picked by the NSAS News Crew.

"Union President Larue, one of the major concerns some Shffahkians have with the Paranne Reintegration Act is the further implementations of Capitalist policies it applies. As a consequence, we've seen an increase in the number of companies established in Shffahkia. How far right are you willing to go with your economic policies and will these policies discourage the formation of collectives and co-operatives in the future?"

"In order to normalize Shffahkia, some degree of economic freedom and by association right-leaning policies are necessary. I do not have the intention of favouring companies over collectives or co-operatives, for I intend to create an environment where the three can co-exist. The fact is not all economic activity can be done through collectives or co-operatives. With my policies, I will cut down on needless support for collectives and co-operatives and in their place establish state-owned companies which can do the job more efficiently...

... I will reiterate, I simply wish to cut down on needless spending by introducing companies where necessary."


"SCUL Chairman Féyeau, as it stands Shffahkia has two official languages, Lysian and Esperanto, yet there is a significant amount of Limonaian speakers the number of which some estimates put all the way to 30 million and some 4 million Touxouloutma speakers without representation on the national level. Would you seek to implement Limonaian and/or Touxouloutma as a language on the national level?"

"The SCUL has had within its party agenda the inclusion of all groups of society into governance since 1994. This hasn't changed. In Paranne, I promised the SCUL would fight to have Touxouloutma be a recognized language. I intend to keep this promise. Not only that, I extend this promise to the Shffahko-Limonaians. The Fact that over 34 million Shffahkians do not have their native language represented in governance while Esperanto is still paraded as an official language (talk about needless spending) is made even more unacceptable when taking into consideration that these very same people are having their votes suppressed in the current administration's attempt to interfere with democracy."

Larue then proceeded to respond to Féyeau before the announcer could start speaking.

"Firstly, no one has done more for democracy in this country than I. Before the Reintegration Act, Shffahkia had just recently held elections. The Shffahkian people then made their choice. Having needless elections when the choice is clear is only going to cause instability. Need I remind you of the time when 9 elections were held in only 6 months as a move by the Monin family to disrupt democracy? Secondly, I do not see the implementation of Limonaian or Touxouloutma on the national level as necessary especially when some states have already adopted Limonaian as a state language. The decision to enforce Limonaian or Touxouloutma needs to be left to the states. As for Esperanto, my administration has taken steps to lessen its influence but it is good to note that several universities and communities still use Esperanto as their go-to language."

"Democracy doesn't cause instability, it is those who oppose it that do." Féyeau replied. 


"Moving on! Union President Larue, recently the @Sunset Sea Islands' government criticized the Republic of @Rihan and the State of @Kipan over the legalization of commercial whaling. What is your stance on the issue?"

"The legalization of commercial whaling is yet another monument to the avarice of nations. I have nothing but the utmost praise towards the SSI for speaking on behalf of environmental concerns. However, the Shffahkian position is different. For the Aurelian project to become a success, I see it salient to focus on encouragement instead of discouragement, to unify instead of separate. But with such actions from the Kipanese and Rihanssu governments, it is ever more salient to observe whether Aurelian unity is used for the betterment of Aurelia or the destruction of its lands and seas and to be on our guard. This also presents a situation where our two nations may find even more common ground such as in the Manamana."


"Finally, SCUL Chairman Féyeau, tensions in the Dolch See have finally culminated in the declaration of war from AFMS. You've stated earlier that you feel a great sense of worry for the Derthaler people. What do you mean by that?"

"Unlike some other crises, this one has been brought on by unimaginable acts of barbarity from, not the every-day Derthaler citizen, but their oppressive 'nobility' that has kept alive the practice of slavery into the 21st century. Good to note that one of the nations building the Aurelian Project is one which does not see its own citizens as equals. But that's beside the point. A war will be fought in the Dolch See, it is most likely that AFMS will be victorious but what will happen then? Will they exact vengeance upon a people for the deeds or their morally corrupt oppressors and divide? Or will they rebuild, civilize, or in the words of the Union President herself, normalize and unite Derthalen? This is why I feel worried about the every-day Dethaler citizen, not their corrupt nobility." 


NSAS-28.4.2019.pngSean Noël Wins Qualifiers

A third reason why the debate was watched by so many is that it was followed by the Shffahkian Eurthvision Qualifying Finals. Compared to the debate's 35,4 million Shffahkians, the national qualifiers pulled over 48 million live spectators. Accounting for other Shffahko-states such as Dasdaine and Théhasse, the total goes to almost 150 million. 

Shffahkian musician, Sean Noël, won the national qualifiers and was chosen to represent Shffahkia in the upcoming Eurthvision competition in Variota. Sean Noël's winning ticket was his song "We Didn't Light the Pyre" which light the crowd ablaze. 

Sean Noël was born in the late 1940s into Delacroix's Collectivist Shffahkia. His musical career would begin in the late 1960s when he went to a concert by the popular Die Käfer band and was inspired to pursue a career in music. 

Noël wrote his signature song "Clavichord Fellow" which even to this day is the final song in almost all his concerts. Clavichord Fellow was written in 1973 with the Break-Up of Shffahkia looming in the backdrop. The song united an ever-increasingly politically divided Shffahkia with Dasdaine already having declared independence. Songs like Clavichord Fellow formed the so-called Shffahkian music sphere which referred to countries where Shffahko-state artists such as Sean Noël were popular. 

Now with the passing of the Paranne Reintegration Act, Sean Noël has once more become a Shffahkian citizen after a 40-year middle period

Edited by Shffahkia (see edit history)
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NSAS-30.4.2019.pngUnion President Gives Shffahkian Stance in Dolch See Conflict

Recently Union President Larue has been under immense pressure from both political friend and foe to announce unanimous support for the Dolch See War as declared by AFMS. The Union President declared that she would not be announcing the Shffahkian stance preferring to stay mute which sparked a wave of protests.

Demographically Shffahkia is in almost unanimous support. 30 to 40 million Shffahkians identify as Shffahko-Limonaian. 28 million Shffahko-Éireanns live in Shffahkia which is larger than the number of Éreanns living in Éire proper. Add to all this Shffahkia's membership in ICEB and it is no surprise that Union President Larue has been pressured by the PNC and even her own party alongside many communities to announce Shffahkian support. 

However, not willing to give way completely under pressure, Larue didn't declare her support for war, but for peace. Shffahkia will officially be joining nations such as @Sunset Sea Islands and @Rihan in support for a peaceful resolution to the conflict. 

Although an unpopular move, the Senate, Cambre, Collective, or the Council are unable to do anything about it as decision-making power on foreign policy lays exclusively in the hands of the Union President. 

Paranne Reintegration Act Explained

Paranne-Reintgration.pngAs of late Shffahkian news has been by a select few topics at the top of which is the Paranne Reintegration Act of 2019 (Lysian: Acte da Reintégration da République da Paranne à la République Fédérative da Sfakie). It can be very easy to miss out on exactly what the Larue Administration promised in this "deal" to the Parannais government in exchange for unification. NSAS hired renowned political analyst André Azaïs to read through the over 1 000-page document and to pick out the most important parts.

1. Political Changes

Beginning with changes to the political structures of Shffahkia, the integration of the Parannais government and elected representatives into the four legislatures of Shffahkia. The Larue Administration has already appointed the majority of already-existing Parannais ministers and representatives into the Shffahkian Council and the Collective of Ministers at the behest of former president Émeric Dutoit, while Parannais representatives to the Senate and Chambre will be elected through elections. 

2. Constitutional Changes

Second, are the changes to be made to the Shffahkian constitution. In essence, these changes will limit the powers of the role of Union President as defined in the Larue Amendments which quite literally make the Union President stand above the law. In the act, the removal of the Larue Amendment, as well as several changes which will make the constitution resemble more the original constitution of the first Shffahko-Republic are specified to be passed after the Senate and Chambre elections. 

3. Economic Changes

Paranne and Shffahkia proper were close trading partners as both of them had similar economic structures. But unlike Shffahkia which still carries on a semi-archaic Syndicalist economic policy, Paranne had embraced State Capitalism as its choice. As a result, Paranne saw much in terms of economic growth and improvement reaching yearly growth rates almost as high as Dasdaine's. In the reintegration act, it is specified that Shffahkia will officially adopt a State Capitalist economic policy while still retaining some aspects of its former economy. What this will look like to the everyday Shffahkian, is that more economic freedom and economic chances will arise. This part has been heavily criticized by the PNC.

4. A Touxouloutma Parliament

The easiest part to miss in the whole act is that Shffahkia agrees to the formation of a Touxouloutma parliament. The Touxouloutma are the natives in Shffahkia that today number between 14 to 16 million. A Touxouloutma parliament would become the representative body for the people of Touxouloutma heritage. It would act as an institution of cultural autonomy for the indigenous Touxouloutma people officially becoming the fifth legislature in Shffahkia. This is the part which some in Larue's LUP heavily disagree with saying that it promotes separation instead of unification which is the acts original purpose. 

Edited by Shffahkia (see edit history)
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