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Shffahkia

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Shffahkia last won the day on May 5

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About Shffahkia

  • Birthday November 11

NationStates

  • NS
    Shffahkia
  • Capital
    Shffahkia City
  • HoS
    Adélaïde Larue
  • HoG
    Louque Admie

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    MichCOdel#8959

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  1. Having done some retrospective viewing on Shffahkia as of late, I have come to the conclusion that it would be best for me to stop working on it completely. This is due to my own failures to make the nation work at a conceptual level. The reason why I came to this conclusion is largely based on the fact that were I to actually rework the nation completely into something "better" would effectively be the same as applying as a completely new nation which I would prefer to do. Additionally, despite being active for around a year in the community, Shffahkia interacted very little with other nations IC:ly. Almost all of its lore connections are the result of OOC discussion without much RP to support it meaning that its deletion/change would not clash with actually established RP on the forums to a big degree. As for what I'd like to be done to Shffahkia, deletion would be my preferred option. However, due to these OOC ties with other countries, turning Shffahkia into an NPC would not be an entirely disagreeable option to me assuming I have any type of say in it anymore. My one request for an NPC:fied Shffahkia would be for the name to be changed. Shffahkia is a terrible name. I don't really intend this to be my departure from the Eurth community as I'd like to return with a different nation. I know there has been some tensions with abandoning nations and returning with new ones in the past so it will remain to be seen if that will even be a possibility.
  2. "Formerly Shffahkian states" would only mean nations that were a part of the Shffahkian core and thereby share the same culture and language. So it wouldn't include Volta in any sense of the word. As for how worried/threatened Volta would be, I suppose it would also depend on the relations between Shffahkia and Volta.
  3. I noticed I hadn't made an official expansion thread for Shffahkia yet so here I am. The first expansion has effectively concluded with the latest news article. The RP for it took place in: Tel Est Notre Destin, Shffahkia's old Newsroom (NSAS) and its conclusion in Shffahkian News Syndicates. The TLDR of it is that the Larue administration made their number one priority the reunification of formerly Shffahkian states. Political antics ensue and Paranne is officially reintegrated with Shffahkia after a two-year delay. The political incompetence shown in the process has surely diminished Shffahkia's external image to the wider wurld. The question now is: can the Larue administration get its act together and continue its reunification agenda or will they be replaced by a new administration come next election with new goals for the nation? The administration's situation will be further explored in Bureaucratic Dissonance. This brings me to the second agenda: NPCs and round two: South Ailénor Islands The South Ailénor Islands form the southern end of the archipelago. Similarly to its northern neighbours, the islands were originally inhabited by a group of the Touxouloutman people who were displaced by the arriving settlers. However, due to their significant size, the southern islands were settled by larger number of peoples mainly Fimian, Cristinese and Capcostese in origin. Although slavery and indentured servitude existed as economic forces in the islands, they were not implemented to the same extent as the northern islands. Following the Revolt of the Northern Ailénor Islands, the southern islands encouraged immigration from the Shffahkian mainland in order to prevent further revolting which led to a significant Lyso-Shffahkian presence in the country. The South Ailénor Islands were a part of Shffahkia throughout the 19th and early 20th centuries and went through the same socio-political changes such as the Collectivist Revolution. Following the Shffahkian Collapse in the 1970s, the state broke away and became an independent country. Dasdaine: Originally inhabited by a different native group than its eastern counterpart, a similar story of native displacement and Lyso-Shffahkian settlement unfolds in Dasdaine. For Acadia, the native group was Navajo but depending on Sefesia this might change. Shffahkian settlement began in the late 1600s. The area remained sparsely populated until the Shffahkian Imperial era when immigration to Dasdaine picked up significant steam through infrastructure projects. During that period, it was seen as key to have a strong Shffahkian presence in western Aurelia. However, the majority of immigrants came from Southern Shffahkia which led to the area being distinctly Lyso-Shffahkian. As the Shffahkian Empire ended, Dasdaine became an increasingly influential state due to its economic influence and population size in comparison to other Shffahkian states. Dasdaine was one of the few areas that didn't experience fighting during the Collectivist Revolution. The state was a major player in the aftermath of the revolution largely insisting on the continuation of democracy. Although it would go through similar syndicalist economic changes, Dasdaine protected some of its larger and crucial companies from them. In the 1970s, disagreements over the role of the federal government led to the Shffahkian Collapse when Dasdaine seceded from Shffahkia alongside Paranne and the South Ailénor Islands. Today, it is a democratic republic that has deep cultural ties to its eastern neighbour but criticizes Shffahkia often when it acts in an unsavory manner such as when it comes to the railroad states south of the two where it has pushed an agenda of humanitarian aid over military intervention. Acadia was quite crucial for Shffahkian lore especially for its empire's history. With their removal, a significant portion of Shffahkian history between 1850 and 1910 is also gone. In order to ensure that something remains and to continue with the Shffahkian story line, I am requesting Dasdaine to fill Acadia's old spot with its capital being Eustaceville located at the mouth of the country's only internal river. Dasdaine will also serve as the second expansion which will take place in Bureaucratic Dissonance. This is still a ways off, however. Depending on external factors such as the Anglia crisis and the deluge of new EOS member we're seeing, the two nations might be pushed to unify a bit sooner through external pressure. To make sure nearby nations are alright with this, I shall ping them. Please voice your concerns if you have any @Oyus, @Kirvina, @Anatea, Metzlitlaca and @Volta
  4. Amélie Magali Brisbois is a government bureaucrat working in the Shffahkian government. What makes her a person of particular interest is the amount of time she has served as an Assistant to the Executive. She assumed her position in the early 80s and has been reappointed to it ever since. In a political climate where administrations come and go bringing with them new people that are in turn replaced, holding on to a position within the government that relies on an appointment from a revolving position is an impressive feat in and of itself. Yet, in an odd way it is this system of rapidly changing positions that necessitates someone like her. In a political climate of multiple parties vying for power and influence over each other, Birsbois possesses, or more accurately, is seen to possess an invaluable trait: nonpartisanship. Her almost forty-year career began rather unexpectedly. Before entering politics, Brisbois was a zoologist studying the flora and fauna of Mesoaurelia. She worked with various national parks and even appeared in two nature documentaries: one about the Capcostese Wandering Spider and the other about the hidden wurld of termites. Her political awakening came when in 1983 the then obscure presidential candidate Pau-Joan Soler ran on a platform that incorporated many environmentalist policies which inspired the young zoologist to volunteer for his campaign at an early stage. Her organisational skills didn’t go unnoticed as she rose through the campaign staff’s ranks; first becoming the head coordinator for her home state of Delimo and eventually she ended up as a hired assistant in Soler’s campaign. A year of campaigning later as Soler was announced as the winner of the 1984 presidential election, Brisbois was there celebrating by his side with other noticeably higher-profile individuals as the victory was announced on election night. Brisbois hadn’t initially expected Soler’s campaign to win. Instead she intended to bring environmentalism more attention in national politics by helping his campaign. “Even a third-place candidate sporting environmental policies would go a fair distance,” she thought. But Soler ended up winning which meant that she soon received a call from the president-elect offering her a job as an Assistant to the Executive, a position she would spend nearly forty years in. Soler had a difficult term as president having to deal with increasing political fracturing. This led to his party, the Revolutionaries of 1902 (Révolutionaires de 1902 ,R02), losing their governing coalition during his term. As a result, President Soler had to govern through broad consensus. Brisbois saw the promising idealistic Soler become a glorified rubber stamp for legislation. It is around this time that Brisbois gained a non-partisan reputation, not because of her own beliefs but simply because President Soler had given up on enacting his political agenda. During this time, Brisbois’s organisational and management skills shined through as she proved to be quite apt at dealing with the web of bureaucracy that made up the Shffahkian government. She soon knew the names one needed to know and the numbers to call them almost by heart. She was a peculiar instance of competence and know-how amongst the inactivity and mediocrity of the Soler administration. As Soler’s term neared its end in 1987, it became evident that he wasn’t going to run for a second term. When a new president-elect was chosen in 1988, Soler appointed Brisbois as the head of the transition team. Brisbois was saddened that she wasn’t able to achieve the things she wanted but chose to see her job through to the end. As Soler left the presidential residence for the last time, she remained there and helped the incoming administration set up; she instructed them on a plethora of topics informing the newcomers about important things such as the finer details of executive protocol and which names to call when you need which affairs sorted. Her knowledge of the executive and the capital as a whole became even clearer when she told them of the small insignificant details such as the best places to take a break and the fastest bus and train lines to travel through to avoid crowds. Towards her last month as head of the transition team, she received a surprising call from the new president offering her old job post back. Brisbois accepted, hoping to see her original political agenda through this time around. However, she quickly realised that it wasn’t her political stances or fervour the new president wanted but her bureaucratic expertise. Disheartened, she would eventually give up on her political aspirations not because she lacked the will to see it through but because she simply hadn’t the time being too busy with her work as an executive assistant. Brisbois’s non-partisan nature wasn’t as much the result of some vague sense of national or revolutionary unity as it often was with many non-partisan bureaucrats but more the result of constant busy work gradually doing more and more and expressing her beliefs less and less. This made her significantly useful to any administration to have her around. And so from administration to administration, she kept working as an Assistant to the Executive. Her bureaucratic know-how and politically unaligned manners landed her the same job seemingly with any president-elect. Like a desk in the office, it was almost taken for granted that she’d be kept around by the next administration. What was truly extraordinary about this situation was that she wasn’t a far-off office worker but an assistant to the president. From one administration to another, she was able to work closely with the highest office of the country. Eventually the glamour of her work faded, and Brisbois became internally irreverent to her position simply seeing as her day-to-day job. She worked for months to assist the Executive in setting up a new social programme only to work to tear it down by the arrival of the next administration. Now she sits in a dimly lit room filled with numerous government bureaucrats as the current president, Adélaïde Larue, gives a slide presentation on the updated internal goals of her administration to a roomful of newly appointed ministers. Larue is the seventh president under which Brisbois has served up to this point. By the way things are going, she is unsure if there will be an eighth because as the switching slides light up the dark room, she cannot help but utterly despise the woman in front of the room whom she calls her boss and the country calls the president.
  5. Larue Administration Proves Divisive According to Approval Ratings Report According to a recent report on President Larue's approval ratings released by the non-profit electoral organization, La Sfaquie Élit, opinions on the president and her administration vary starkly on a regional basis in the country. To many critics of the president, this shows that Larue who promised to unite the nation upon election has achieved the opposite of this goal. The president on the other hand has passed down the blame for these results to other factors which they had no direct control over. The approval ratings look disconcerting to the president who is in the penultimate year of her presidency as re-election in 2022 is proving to be less likely. According to the report, President Larue is most popular in the southern states of Catherine, West Catherine and Eustathe. She is especially so in her home state of Catherine where she sports an approval rating of almost 74% which is almost unheard of in Shffahkian politics. At the same time, however, the president's approval rating in the northern state of Monteferro is a record low of 29%. Many find this regional discrepancy alarming. Her high approval rating in Catherine can not only be explained through the fact that Larue and her party, the Citizen Initiative (IC, Initiative Citoyenne), draw much of their support from the state but also through the fact that through the reunification of Paranne and Shffahkia, the state expanded in land area. A feat few politicians can boast about. Larue was rated notably highly by communities located in the previous Paranne-Shffahkia border while her approval ratings elsewhere in Shffahkia have gone down. Some political pundits have begun talking about a "president that is popular outside Shffahkia but not very much inside it." The report certainly proves worrying to the administration now in its third year. President Larue's first term has seen a total of 3 elections that are gradually wearing down Larue's and Citizen Initiative's support nationwide. The question whether or not Larue will be elected for a second term is uncertain as the president has not even confirmed whether she will run for a second term. However, if Larue is to truly run for a second term, the key to her re-election is her term-defining reunification of Shffahkia and Paranne. Larue was elected president in May of 2018 and immediately upon election called for a Senate election to solidify the IC's lead in the same year. The gambit payed off as the party won around 34% of the popular vote making it the largest party in the Senate. She then formed a coalition with the Workers Forum (FO, Forum Ouvrier) and several smaller parties which allowed the administration to go after the president's largest political promise, the Reunification of Shffahkia and Paranne. However, as talks with the Parannais Republic began in 2019, the relationship between the Workers Forum and the Citizen Initiative soured with the FO claiming that the IC had neglected the coalition at every step of the way. As the talks concluded and the ruling coalition broke apart, Larue did not have the votes needed to pass constitutional reform set out in the reunification agreement. The word "recalcitrance" began following the president and her party as party after party refused to support them. As the political house of cards was falling in Shffahkiaville, the Parannais Republic was officially dismantled in late 2019. This left millions of former Parannais citizens effectively stateless which was seen as the result of gross incompetence from both sides of the agreement. To remedy this situation, the Larue Administration used the executive and diplomatic authority of the President's Office to its fullest extent. Larue officially withdrew Shffahkian recognition of Paranne as an independent state and claimed it as an "area for which Shffahkia is internationally responsible." The President proceeded to claim these officially stateless people as Shffahkian nationals and extended citizenship to them through an executive order. The administration was criticized heavily for perceived abuses of executive power and incompetent diplomatic shenanigans. Criticism spiked when the Executive Office announced a new Senate election for February of 2020 to solve the gridlock. The February election proved a confusing affair as the Citizen Initiative was seemingly pitted against 16 diverse parties all of whom vowed to not work with the recalcitrant president. Yet at the same time, these smaller parties were unable to form a coalition after the elections. The IC claimed victory in the elections gaining the most seats despite their vote share dropping from 35% to 23%. Especially noteworthy is the fact that the Citizen Initiative gained most of it support from the newly added Parannais territory and the home state of the president. The path to 257 seats looked arduous but promising as the Citizen Initiative entered coalition talks with Massimo Amamihe's New Alternative party (NA, Nouvelle Alternative) to form the base for a North-South coalition. However, these talks stalled in March and were cancelled in April. The political stalemate showed no signs of being solved. The February elections were seen as disastrous to the point that Larue began to face calls to resign from within her own party. Enough members of the Citizen Initiative supported the movement that Larue had to face a leadership vote. During the leadership debate, Larue expressed deep disappointment to what she coined as the "opportunistic vultures" from the party. The president also pushed back at the claims of recalcitrance made by the FO in 2019: "The IC has not been recalcitrant, on the opposite, the other parties ran on a platform of refusal to work with the party with the democratic mandate," Larue said during in-party talks. Larue promised to solve the stalemate claiming that a third election in May was the only way her party could push through the constitutional change required to see Reunification through fully. The reasoning for a third election was dubious at first but as parties began to campaign yet again, a suspicious absence of the Citizen Initiative in the north clued political spectators in on the president's plan. This time around Larue and her party steered clear of places where the party had little support to such a point that Larue refused to attend debates held north of Shffahkiaville. The IC's plan was to bet on Shffahkian voters' oldest known habit: non-committal voting. Shffahkian voters tend to often switch the parties they vote for especially in federal elections. However, the Citizen Initiative has always been a starkly regional party in nature relying on the southern vote. Larue bet on her party's ability to rile southern support and the inability of other parties to maintain their own support. Larue's plan did not rely on the IC getting stronger but for them to survive a political game of attrition. This second gamble of Larue succeeded as the Larue-sceptic vote, previously seized by 3 parties, fractured and was seized by 5 parties. Similarly, the total number of parties in the Senate decreased from 17 to 13 freeing up seats for coalition building. Despite this "success," the Citizen Initiative's support fell further to 20%. The IC originally represented a third of all Shffahkians which has now fallen to a fifth. Following extensive talks in June, Larue finally succeeded in forming a coalition with the Communitarians (COM, Les Communautaires), the Social Centre (SC, Centre Social), the Four Star movement (QE, Les Quatre-Étoiles) and surprisingly the New Alternative (NA) controlling a total of 287 seats. The passing of the Paranne Reintegration Act saw the end of the Shffahkian process partly concluding Larue's unification promise. However, unifying the nation has in an unexpected way made Shffahkia less unified internally as Larue and her conduct continue to divide Shffahkians. Some hold the opinion that the president did what she had to do in order to push through her political promises while others see the president as an unpredictable, dangerous to Shffahkian democracy — the epitome of a corrupt populist. In a press release, the president stressed the importance of Shffahkian national unity above any slight political disagreements. It remains to be seen if the Shffahkian populace having gone through three exhausting elections would choose to elect Larue as president a second time in the event that she chooses to run in 2022.
  6. Thought I should share my take on these With the rework, I will be reshaping Shffahkia's history away from tradition colonialism and making the first settlers refugees fleeing from Europa meaning Shffahkia will never have been a colony of another nation. As soon as the NPC has an event that prompts something like this, I will be happy. Going off from what has been informally discussed in the Eurth Discord VC, the general idea would be that the Manamana canal would already be built in the present day. Instead there would be a historic RP where an SSI politician/businessman goes around each nation involved talking them into making the project happen. As a result, the canal would barely function as balancing the demands of each nation hampers its potential. This would minimize the effect the canal would have alongside giving nations involved a chance to get what they want from the canal. Also the train infrastructure currently in the works in Aurelia would also further decrease its impact. In terms of the actual states that might surround it, we had discussed that the canal would be its own supranational territory, possibly under the Aurelian League, and that there be a small country surrounding the canal from which it was carved out of. However, overall I am not excited about his canal and would largely advocate for removal which will not happen, I know. *cries in Acadian* For Shffahkia's part there'd be two. Firstly the !Mayan Empire. Depending on what San Castellino wants to do with their !mayans, if they have them, the size of this empire could be quite large or simply limited to Shffahkia. I'm fine with either. Secondly, the Shffahkian Empire that existed from roughly the late 1700s to the mid 1800s. In short, the empire was originally formed around modern-day Shffahkia and approximate area, and would go on to conquer a large portion of Aurelia and possibly other areas over-expanding and later losing to the coalition. In terms of how large this country was, it "needs" to extend some way to Kirvina in order to justify having the Eustacian Wars with them.
  7. Marcel was pleasantly surprised over the Duchess' interest in the topic. The opinion that she held was not entirely unfounded. Ever since the Shffahkian Collapse in the 70s, the country found itself physically cut off from its own sphere of influence. The Parannese Republic had largely been supportive in joint efforts to exert influence over this area but differences in opinion meant that direct military intervention was rare. As a result a more indirect approach was chosen. Supporting satellite regimes and arming local syndicates to create a web of influence that spanned a greater distance and penetrated deeper than that of the Kirvinsét state at the cost of pragmatic safety. Now that the two countries had reunified, the Shffahkian boot was making its come-back. The current administration had set an internal goal to return slowly to the status quo of the 50s exercising more influence and authority over its sphere. As Marcel accepted the offer and took a cigarette, he began "That is a delightful idea. A pleasant trip up and down the railway will serve as a good demonstration of the actual day-to-day safety of the Trans-Aurelian Railway." He thought largely of the mundane traffic through the rails in the form of both trade goods and free-moving people. Stopping a train was no small feat for a group of bandits, and when an instance of rail-related banditry could go as for as to provoke a military intervention in some parts of the network, the risk was inconceivably huge at an individual level. Even more so when taking into account the harsh punishments for such crimes. This largely creates a situation where some small to medium trains can afford to travel with minimal protection especially when schedules line up with any military related transport goods. "In fact, I would go as far as to suggest that we ought to travel with a low profile so we can see just how safe the railroad truly is. Now I won't lie and say that it is completely devoid of any danger but in my own personal experience both as an every-day businessman and a high-profile government minister, the dangers related to the railway are greatly exaggerated by the media. After all, financially a train breaking down is a bigger risk than banditry but the media rarely reports on instances such as those. Personally, I don't see a need for a grand escort. I've travelled up and down the rail countless times and I've found that all you really need is a few mercenaries or a bodyguard or two and it's as safe as it can feasibly be. That being said, I certainly wouldn't be against going with a large military or mercenary escort if it suits your preferences more." he said before lighting the cigarette.
  8. The Trans-Aurelian Railway or sometimes called the Great Aurelian Railroad in a more grandiose fashion is known by a very different name within in the continent than outside it. Countries outside Aurelia see it largely as a series of iron roads (Lys. rues de fer) impressive in scale and in its pertinence to continental trade and call it thusly, while Aurelian countries themselves often call this the Gold Road (Lys. rue d'or), a name in line with the continent. This name is not completely for the sake of vanity but carries within it a certain truth. For example, timetables are often merely suggestions in Shffahkia but because of the importance of railways, trains are uncharacteristically always on schedule. Thereby, despite Aurelia being home to a multitude of different countries possessing wildly different societal structures and value systems, they are united by their shared economic interest to maintain, expand and protect the continent's impressive railway infrastructure. It goes to reason then that these countries would also hold a plethora of differing opinions about and have divergent attitudes towards this gargantuan system of rail both the good and the bad. One of these opinions can be found at the northern terminus of this rail system, Shffahkia. Shffahkia holds a chauvinistic attitude racked with guilt towards its role in creating and actively maintaining the continent's multiple-track-themed status quo. This is largely due to the origins of Shffahkia as a nation and the origins of the so-called Gold Road. Shffahkia was first settled by religious émigrés who brought with them, alongside a disdain for religious institutions, a guilt-based morality system where bad deeds were not punished by divine fate but by one's own conscience. As a consequence, a dissenting opinion has always been present in Shffahkian public discourse. Whether or not it was ever listened to varied from one time period to another. One time period where such dissent was disregarded with great fervor took place during the Shffahkian Empire when a home-grown Aurelian attitude of Shffahkian chauvinism, that would go on to set the country up for an ill-conceived trajectory of continental domination, hegemonized this imported sense of guilt. "A Shffahkian must always look down on something" goes a popular joke in Aurelia. Yet, in one way, this misguided and factually wrong chauvinist mindset proved to be correct; the Trans-Aurelian Railway traces its origin to that period of Shffahkian chauvinism when the technology was whole-heartedly adopted by the Shffahkian Empire. The first railroads that reached southern Aurelia were built during the Eustacian Wars by the Shffahkian Empire to bolster supply lines. After having conquered its rivers, Shffahkia continued to expand by building an empire on rail. However, as this expansion drove the empire to its cataclysmic end, and Shffahkian chauvinism received an irremediable blow, something remarkable happened which would define Shffahkia for the century to come. In spite of removing almost all traces of the Shffahkian Empire, the winning powers elected to retain and adapt its railroad infrastructure. Doing so gave the nascent Shffahkian republic a decisive advantage to recover from the devastation from the war as the country found itself one of the most connected countries to Aurelian trade in the mid 1800s. As other Aurelian countries adapted to and surpassed Shffahkia in railroad production, the country lost its competitive edge and truly became a single member of the Aurelian collective no longer the monolith it once was. Shffahkian history has had a tendency to over-emphasize this beginning part of Aurelia's railway history oftentimes downplaying the far more consequential role its Kirvinsét counterpart played in rapidly expanding its railways to match and exceed its original inspiration. Still, with the emergence of the modern era of railroad politics, came the guilt so greatly suppressed during the Imperial era. The country now found itself looking at the wild frontier through a more sympathetic gaze. This ill-defined good will manifested itself through humanitarian actions that were coupled with the chauvinistic attitudes of the previous two centuries. Shffahkia sought not to simply occupy strategic points along the railway but to spread its culture there as well. Where Shffahkian boots trod, they brought with them la bonne langue. As a result the country's interests are not only economic but also cultural. It is common place for the highly educated in a railroad state to emigrate to Shffahkia in search for an occupation or to continue their studies assuming they weren't sent to Shffahkia to study from a young age. A derogatory term roughly meaning "iron footed" exists in Shffahkia to describe people from a railroad state. Many of these immigrants that work in the country also send some of their income to support their families still living in their place of origin. Subsequently there is a clear link, a special relationship between Shffahkia and its sphere of influence. The policy of promoting welfare within the railroad states that was proving more unsustainable from day to day was in part driven by Shffahkia. The policy itself was not popular in the railroad states themselves. Not only was the agency and economical prospects of the railroad states taken from them but now a very clear instance of brain drain began to take affect as well. The reunification of Shffahkia and Paranne had set Shffahkia into political turbulence as the Larue administration attempted and ultimately succeeded in gathering a coalition to continue governing effectively. The administration was now entering the penultimate year of its first term. This brought down significant pressure to get results both political and economic to show to the electorate. Under this compulsion, ideas that normally not even put out for consideration gained traction and at the very least tacit approval. Such was the case with the plan to expand the Trans-Aurelian Railway to go through the Paranne Mountains. Not only would this stimulate economic growth, it would also connect Paranne's more excluded parts with the rest of Aurelia. Funding became a problem, however. The Shffahkian budget was tapped for the year and only a part of the actual costs would be covered. Marcel Tchélique, ever the opportunist, was the person who most ardently drove this project. When the news came that adequate funding was not going to be provided, the charismatic politician decided to take things into his own hands. His years of working in Pan-Aurelian projects had provided him with an impressive list of contacts spanning the continent. One of these contacts told him about a duchess in Kirvina who conveniently possessed the required funds for the completion of the project. To call this a long shot would be an understatement. Travelling to the opposite end of the continent to gather funds was downright inconceivable by some. Nevertheless, Tchélique prided himself on being a man who not only talked the talk but also did the deed. The risk was great but the prospects of being the one to realize such an ambitious project would no doubt skyrocket his career. Even if he were to fail in convincing this noblewoman to invest, he would still be known as a person ready to go the extra mile. Fully committed to his plan, he arranged for a visit to happen. Not wanting to rouse any suspicion or bring unwanted media attention to his venture, he chose to conceal it and travel with a low profile. He convinced himself that much like how Shffahkia had shown Aurelia the usefulness of the railway, he would demonstrate to this Kirvinsét noblewoman the true economic value of the Aurelian Gold Road. "Thank you for having me here today your grace," he began. "The reason behind my extraordinarily long voyage across the continent is to introduce you to a new and lucrative business venture. A venture truly Aurelian through and through. Not only is this investment guaranteed to pay off in the long turn but it is remarkably safe." Before continuing, he took out a small pile of papers, the technical details of the project, and handed them to the duchess. At the top of the small pile was a map of the Tans-Aurelian Railways with an area of Shffahkia highlighted. "You see with recent political developments in Shffahkia, much in terms of economic investment is being rolled out in Paranne which provides you a unique opportunity. The small community of Aïousse has for a long time been known to possess valuable minerals underneath its soil. It is a community largely based on mining but what hampers this community's growth is its exclusion from the Trans-Aurelian Railway Network. With your patronage, an ambitious new railway could be built allowing the untapped riches laying dormant to flow into Aurelia. When this community is connected to the rest of Aurelia properly, both people and cargo will be going in and out of the town at unprecedented rates. This will undoubtedly prove advantageous to anyone with a stake, in this railroad. Because after all what they say is true, the only thing better that owning a mine is owning the railway leading to the mine." @Kirvina
  9. Welcome to week 15 of our 4-week IRL pandemic event...
  10. News in Shffahkia is reported on by a myriad of news organizations the largest of which are known as the Elle-Apostrophes. The name comes from the fact that each organization's name begins with the letter L and an apostrophe. These organizations are: The Macaw/L'ara, The Inquiry and The Aurelian. From its most popular to its oldest to the continental, these news organizations alongside other publications shed a light on the daily goings-on in Shffahkia and bring a myriad of viewpoints to the table.
  11. Announcing the Shffahkia Rework With both Limonaia and Rihan long gone from Eurth among with other changes having been done or being in the process of being made, there is an opportune moment to rework certain aspects of Shffahkia to make it better fit into Eurth lore and to make it a more interesting country. They won't affect other countries that much as I am holding off from such changes until the Manamana rework and the addition of Aurelian NPCs. In short, I will be taking things down a notch from overly-zealous collectivist dictatorship to a pan-leftist democratic presidential federation. What will this rework affect? It will primarily affect internal affairs in Shffahkia to make the country more original and interesting. The most pertinent change is the removal of authoritarianism from Shffahkia meaning that it never was a dictatorship or a one-party state. Instead, Shffahkia will have primarily been a syndicalist democracy. I will keep the same people I've used before and stick to the same themes established before if they are applicable such as the Shffahkian collapse in the late 70s and the reunification attempts going on currently. It will remain a member of ICEB it being the only organization old Shffahkia was a member of. I will of course be changing the official name of the country along with other smaller things. Such as reworking Shffahkian states and political parties with some old ones remaining I will also be making a new newsroom for Shffahkia so I can post news articles from multiple news agencies rather than just the one as I previously had. In addition, I'm planning a year in review article to show how these changes will affect modern-day Shffahkia and to finish the Paranne expansion. With that the stage should be set for the coming articles about Shffahkia, thank you for your attention.
  12. With great Shffahkian protest, I will add.
  13. I'll say that I'm not all that interested in continuing with Shffahkian involvement at all with Antargis and most likely will retcon the whole Mercier research base thingy on the basis that it hasn't really gone anywhere as initially planned. Also with the new Antargis, the placement of the base makes little sense. My initial IC gripe with the treaty is that its prelude states that "The purpose of ARTHA is to allow the last untouched continent of Earth, Antargis, to remain free from harmful Human activities, devoid of Human ideologies, respected for its soil, conserved for its environment and brilliant for its future. All Signatories recognise the geographical integrity of the continent of Antargis and vow to respect it." Yet it goes on to divide the continent which very much at the least is introducing human ideology into the continent. I also wanted to add a bit of regional interests into the mix as Aurelia and the Marenesias are the continents closest to Antargis, yet no nation from any of those continents was truly present in the talks nor were those continents addressed in any special manner. This also fell through as the Marenesia gang, also known as @Gallambria, @Salvia and @Batengdei Bulgenstaz, didn't show any interest. But overall I'll say that I am not interested in continuing my original personal pursuits in Antargis, rather I'll just have Shffahkia fall in line and be a normal signatory on the treaty. The base itself shouldn't be a problem as it was ever only announced. Sorry @Fulgistan
  14. On the topic of the Wiki Cleanup, I wanted to share two things. Firstly I think the names of certain articles about Eurth in general should be changed where names like List of Spoken Languages on Eurth and Capital Punishment on Eurth be changed to List of Spoken Languages (Eurth) and Capital Punishment (Eurth) since real-life wiki articles aren't titled Capital Punishment on Earth. Secondly is to let everyone know that Rihan's work on the iiwiki does go deeper than expected as I had a no-wave flag on my iiwiki page as soon as I had the first chance to make one, but my Country data Template still had the wave flag as it was made by Rihan. So whenever I used the {{flag|Shffahkia}} command I would get my wave flag. To make sure your flag isn't like this check it by searching: Template:Country data Country_Name And if you don't have this template made you can use this to make one:
  15. I was mentioned so I'll give my take on the parts that concern me and Aurelia. On the point of the island right off my coastline, I'd prefer not as well for what I hope are pretty clear reasons. Historically @Salvia owning parts of the island would be a nice piece of history but I wouldn't like them to own it up to the modern day. On the point of the island south of Aurelia, I'll say this: Aurelia is very undefined at the moment. By that I mean that it isn't clearly defined whether or not Aurelia is a developed or developing continent for example. Rihan was developing while both Kirvina and Rhodelia clearly wanted to be developed nations. I'd like to see some new nations come and hop into Aurelia and define parts of the continent with them. I wouldn't like to see other nations expanding into Aurelia and see it defined as the space to be expanded into. But then again I am pretty far from neutral on the matter with ulterior motives and such. So if anyone should have a word on the matter it should be @Kirvina if they so choose to do. So in brief, if Salvia wants to expand to that island, I won't do anything to stop it not that I even could if I wanted to.
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