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NSAS (Nacia Sciiga Agentejo de Sffahkia)

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The NSAS, or in Esperanto: Nacia Sciiga Agentejo de Sffahkia and in French: Agence Nationale de Presse de Sffahkia, is the only allowed state-run news agency of Sffahkia. NSAS is your best (only) choice when choosing a source of news on the Final Revolution. The NSAS reports the truth as it is defined in the State Codex. 

 

"La NSAS estos la nacia novaĵagentejo kaj kiel tia estos la sola agentejo, kiu rajtas krei amaskomunikilaron, kiu en naturo similas novaĵojn." -Niĉjo Parlanto

"La novaĵagentejo, kiu plu semos la semojn de la fina revolucio en la mensoj de la popolo de Sffahkia. Novaĵagento libera de la koruptaj influoj, kiuj malhelpas la finan revolucion kaj ĝiajn finajn verojn." -Nikolao Kondukanto

The NSAS is located in Nova Urbo where it functions to unite all of Sffahkia. The NSAS insures that all Sffahkians receive the same news regardless of social status. 

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3155505_3_9799_lors-du-referendum-en-alsace-organise-le-7_4506aa4819e9790e8e4c0ab284d3efd8.jpgShffahkia to hold referendum

In the light of the court demonstration, the senate has began a referendum to change the leadership. On the ballot citizens may vote either Jes/oui or Ne/non to the change of leadership. Running against Nikolao Kondukanto, the leader, is Taillefer Vigier also known as the iron-works politician who made his name as being a strong supporter of French culture within Shffahkia. If elected, he promises to instigate French as the only national language, drop language bans and end Shffahkia's policy of Isolationism.

The main critique Nikolao Kondukanto is being faced with is his uncompromising stance on societal change and development whilst his opponent, Taillefer Vigier, has been accused of turning his back on the revolution. Despite the accusations he has for long been a force to be reckoned with in the Collectivist-Socialist party of Shffahkia.

Whether Shffahkia shall see a new leader is up to the people. The future seems more uncertain than ever as the very revolution itself hangs in the balance. 

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Referendum Results in!

The Weekend referendum held on Saturday and Sunday to decide upon the new leader of Shffahkia has come to a close and votes have been counted. The referendum was a result of the Senate giving a vote of no confidence to Nikolao Kondukanto after a school fiasco turned into nationwide demonstrations against his proposed new culture and new language. Opposing him was Taillefer Vigier, a member of the science committee of Shffahkia who is also known as the iron-works politician due to his background as a worker in the iron industry. He ran a large campaign against Kondukanto attacking his policies and criticizing him for his zero tolerance -policy against criticism.

The referendum showed that 78% voted in favor of a change in leadership and 16% voting in favor of keeping the current leader. 6% abstained from voting on the referendum.

Taillefer Vigier made great promises during his inauguration such as introducing a national currency, ending Isolationism and revisiting many of the pointless and oppressive laws introduced by Kondukanto in his 25 years in office. 

The reason why this article is so short is because upon inauguration, Taillefer Vigier has officially discontinued the NSAS. This is from the whole NSAS team saying "it has been a blast bringing you government propaganda, we wish you the best and stay inside as the weather forecast is sunny with a chance of rain."

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The Larue Amendment to the Delacroix Constitution

Following the June Referendum, the government of the Federative Republic of Shffahkia has experienced a grinding halt due to Nikolao Kondukanto contesting the June Referendum which officially removed him from office. However, on June 7th, Nikaloa Kondukanto was able to gather the support of the Conseil Sfakien (Shffahkian Council; one of the four assemblies/chambers of the Shffahkian government which oversees that the principles of Collectivism are followed in everyday governance) which officially condemned the referendum, thereby removing Taillefier Vigier from office after only a week as the new Premier-Dirigeant. Although Vigier was displaced, the Conseil Sfakien did not allow Kundukanto to retake his old position. 

Nikolao Kondukanto contested the referendum officially on June 6th claiming it was too inaccurate and orchestrated in such a short time: only 4 days, and that the referendum was overall illegitimate due to only 13% of Shffahkians actually voting because of a lack of voting booths. 

With the referendum contested, the four assemblies of the Shffahkian government officially chose sides. The Conseil Sfakien officially remained neutral, whilst the Collectif des Ministres sided with Nikolao Kondukanto, and the Chambre des Représentants sided against him. The Sénat Fédéral (Federal Senate) was split and was not able to chose side. This led to Shffahkia's government grinding to a halt. For most nation, this wouldn't be as big of a problem, but due to the interconnectedness of everything to the government in Shffahkia, its consequences were felt throughout the country: schools were closed, access to electricity almost vanished from the largest cities and food shipments to excluded villages were cancelled which almost led to a small famine. 

On August 9th, Adélaïde Larue officially disbanded the Federal Senate, one of the few powers the president has in Shffahkia. She then proceeded to pass the "Suspend the Delacroix Constitution Act" and with only one vote, which was her own, suspended the constitution made by the creator of the first Collectivist country. With no Premier-Dirigeant to resist the Act, the three other assemblies were powerless to stop it. 

The Delacroix Constitution is considered the source of legitimacy of the government, the justification for their actions, and by suspending it, Larue suspended law itself in the country. For the next week until August 16th, Shffahkia was officially in martial law. On August the 17th, however, the Larue Amendment was officially introduced and passed by the senate, and because it was unanimous with 100% of the Federal Senate supporting it, no other assembly could stop it. The official vote count was: one in favor, zero against. The Larue Amendment had but one effect: it combined the roles of Premier-Dirigeant and Présdient into one role: Président. 

As the acting president, Larue officially replaced Taillifier Vigier as the official leader of Shffahkia who can now act with impunity. She then proceeded to replace many members in all four assemblies until her supporters composed the majority in all of them. After August 17th, many of Nikolao Kondukanto's policies were removed the most infamous of which were the Esperanto Policies. 

On August 21st, the situation had stabilized and Lysian was reintroduced as the sole official language of Shffahkia. For many this situation still remains almost inconceivable as it was thought that no one could make amendments to the Delacroix Constitution. After all, it was considered the corner stone of Shffahkia and the very document that gives the government its authority. More inconceivable is the fact that the few power checks Nikolao Kondukanto and Duncan Delacroix had no longer apply to Larue. 

It still remains to be seen which direction Larue will take Shffahkia with her unchecked power but she has been able to get the government working again which means that it is time for life to return to normal for the time being. 

                                                                                       stFLlwH.jpg

Edited by Shffahkia
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Mind your language! - Surveille ton langauge!

Départemang de Journalismusse - Département de Journalisme

Ils veullent trois vés de saffe. - Ils veullent trois verres de jus.

Vouce as délé le doké ? - Tu as partagé le toit ? (une expression)

L'amiko mien a raté le lérnéil. - Mon ami a raté l'école.These are all examples of spoken Shffahkian Lysian. Officially, however, Shffahkians are encouraged to speak standard Lysian and to avoid these Shffahkisms which are often considered improper speech. 

Although Lysian is the official language of Shffahkia, Shffahkian Lysian is often considered its own version of Lysian, and in the most extreme cases, its own language due to its unique pronunciation and vocabulary. During the first 100 or so years of Lysian rule in Shffahkia, Shffahkian Lysian was mostly the same as Lysian spoken in the late 1700's. 

The first differences in Shffahkian Lysian popped up during the Great Exchange, a period of vast change in Shffahkian Lysian as Shffahkian Creole alongside Alemannic influences began to appear in everyday speech between 1808-1860. Form there onward, Lysian Shffahkian would diverge further from standard Lysian. 

Easily spotted differences are words that are spelled differently. These are called accepted alternative spellings in Shffahkia; they are mostly the use of -ang instead of -ent at the ends of certain words, such as bâtimang, and the use of k insead of qu, i.e. Sfakie not Sfaquie. Essentially, these boil down into a minimal effort to distinguish Shffahkian Lysian from standard Lysian in the 1800's although standard Lysian is often preferred in academic circles. The only exception is Shffahkia which must always be written with a k. 

The pronoun "vouce" is often used in place of tu as a way to speak in a more friendly manner as tu is rarely used. Vouce has its roots in the migrant communities of Shffahkia; it popped up into wide use in the 1800's.

From Shffahkian Creole, we get words such as doké (toit), vé (verre), pémis (permis), liv (livre) and lalinne (lune du monde). Shffahkian Creole was originally spoken by the slave populace of Shffahkia but it spread, so much so that it influenced Shffahkian Lysian grammar most notably with possessive pronouns and prepositions. Whilst people normally say "mon chat" for my cat, it is common to say "chat mien" in Shffahkia which is grammatically incorrect. It originates from Shffahkian Creole where possessive pronouns become after nouns. Over time, it made its way to the everyday language. Yet another feature of Shffahkian Creole is "da" the feminine version of de which is considered incorrect speech but used widely in Shffahkia.

Alemannic influences can be spotted from words such as Saffe/Zaf (jus), Delander/Déler (partager), Flaïsse (porc/bœuf), Flaske/Flasque (Bouteille), Arbrelaine (cotton), gata (rue) and journalismusse (journalisme) 

The third biggest influence would be Esperanto mostly between 1996 and 2010. Many Lysian words became replaced by Esperanto equivalents during the reign of Nikolao Kondukanto such as lérnéil (école), Faïrestingiste (pompier), voio (chemin, rue, moyen), auto (voiture), brune (marron), amiko (ami/amie), mirinde (agréable), foregiste (une pensée oubliée, utilisé comme le verbe oublier) and many more. 

These are but a few examples of Shffahkian Lysian. There are also words that don't originate from any foreign influence such as favelle and chemisette. In today's Shffahkia, where classes have become futile, you can often tell from which class someone comes from based on their accent. If they speak proper Lysian and avoid using special vocabulary, they might be from the old upper class, and if they speak using many creole words, they might come from the lower classes. 

There have been several suggestions about instituting Shffahkian Lysian as the national language but due to its large diversity, most official business in Shffahkia is conducted in proper Lysian. Despite that, Shffahkian Lysian is still spoken in everyday speech by around 86% of the population. Whether or not Shffahkian Lysian will ever receive recognition that doesn't classify it as incorrect remains very unlikely in the current political atmosphere. 

Edited by Shffahkia
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President Larue's speech censored

On Sunday 23.9.2018, President Larue gave a speech during the second September government discussions. The government discussions are public discussions where members of the national congress, Shffahkia's tetracameral legislature, discuss public of the direction of Shffahkia. The government discussions are usually ended by the Premier-Dirigeant's speech, however, due to recent political changes, the president of the union has been the one to finish these discussions. 

The president set several goals to the government that differed from the political norm at the top of which would be ending Isolationism, opening Shffahkian society and moving the nation towards a more liberal direction. According to the Shffahkian council (Conseil Sfakien) these points were against the principles of Collectivism, and therefore, had to be censored. Despite receiving applause and praise throughout the country, Larue's speech has been censored an almost all public formats. 

The reason why Larue's speech was censored despite her holding the final say on almost all matters of state is the Shffahkian Council. The Shffahkian Council is responsible for the overseeing of the implementation of  Collectivism in Shffahkia. The council has on multiple occasion shown dissatisfaction towards Larue and her new government and has also rejected many of her administration's attempts on reform. This face-off between the president and the council shows that the two have vastly different views on Collectivism. This difference can be explained by Larue's rapid rise to power which has left many members of the "old guard" unprepared.

How ever change might be coming as and agreed-upon date has been set for the next Senate elections. Within the Larue Amendments, the Senate was granted to use the highest power in the country under the president. This means that if President Larue manages to fill the Senate with enough supporters to get a five to six vote passed, she can appoint new members to the Shffahkian Council which would give her control of two of the four chambers.

The censorship directed towards Larue's supporters has revealed a divide within Shffahkia. With the absence of Nikolao Kondukanto who didn't allow political disagreement, Shffahkia is divided into those who believe in Larue's liberal interpretation of Collectivism and to those who support conservative Collectivism.

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Jaspar Lemaigre & Guillemin Favre Put on Forced Retirement

On Saturday 6th September, two long-time MCC's (Ministres du conseil  collectiviste) saw their political carriers officially end as the president forcibly retired them from the Collectivist Council citing their age as a major concern. The two MCC's in question are Guillemin Favre and Jaspar Lemaigre, both boasting political careers that have lasted well over 50 years.

How?

The President of the Union (PU) has, alongside the President of the Council (PC) and the President of the Chamber of Representatives (PDR), the power to forcibly retire any citizen from a state position if they believe their age to be a serious concern to either their health or their ability to conduct state affairs. The retired has the right to complain and may redirect the issue to a magistrate, coroner or to a higher court depending on the situation. 

Guillemin Favre, in fact, decided to complain about his forced retirement. In response, a committee will be formed from the CM (Collectif des Ministres) which will decide to either overrule Larue's decision or to sustain it. The committee will have a public hearing on this subject next Monday on 8th of September beginning from 4:00 (approx. 10 am) until 6:25 (approx. 3 pm). Many political analysts say that even if Favre is able to show a medical certificate that proves his continued ability to work, the Committee is unlikely to rule in favor of a politicians already in his 90's.

Who are these two MCC's?

First, Guillemin Favre was one of the most influential men on the Collectivist Council being credited as the man who "collectivized" the current Shffahkian education system. This feat alone earned him much praise and criticism. His supporters highlight that the current system has effectively eliminated illiteracy and improved test scores nation-wide. His critics, which include the current president herself, lambaste his system saying it focuses more on indoctrination than actual education. Whether or not your an opponent or a proponent of the Favre-style education system, he has still been in some kind office since the 1960's being a part of the wave of young politicians known as the Young 60's. Favre's career zenith was his education reform, however, his staunch support of Nikolao Kondukanto even after hes removal from office is seen as the nadir of his political career. Nevertheless, Guillemin Favre isn't going down without a fight. Although initially withholding much of his criticism of the current president, his forced retirement has made him decide to open the flood gates as he has begun a serious campaign against the "despot of the Senate" demanding her immediate resigning. 

Secondly, Jaspar Lemaigre was a more quiet public figure never truly distinguishing himself from the rest. His most memorable feat is that he was a part of the Collective Agricultural Committee (CAC) between 1990 and 2003 where he helped optimize Shffahkia's agricultural sector with the implementation of technological innovations en masse. Contrary to his fellow soon-to-be retiree, Jaspar Lemaigre stated that he harbours no ill will against the president in office and that he awaits a sunny retirement from state affairs. Despite not being as vocal about his opposition of Larue, Jaspar Lemaigre has worked against Liberal policies in general all throughout his career.

What does this mean for the future?

Guillemin Favre and Jaspar Lemaigre might have gone down in different ways but they both were staunch opponents of Larue. Most notably Guillemin Favre was a central opponent of Larue using the Collective Council to block many of her attempts at reform. Many say that they were retired for purely age-related reasons, yet some raise suspicion on whether or not it was intentional. With Favre and Lemaigre gone, the Collectivist Council has two more empty seats to be filled and two less Larue-opposed ministers.

Which ever version you believe, the fact is that the Collectivist Council, officially the Shffahkian Council, has two more open seats to be filled once the Senate elections are held. Members of the Collectivist Council or MCC's are appointed by the President  of the Union and approved by one of the three other legislatures of Shffahkia: The Federal Senate (SF), The Collective of Ministers (CM) or The Chamber of Representatives (CR). This means that if the current president can manage to fill one of these legislatures with sympathetic voters, they can effectively affect the most important legislature of the Collectivist republic adding more pressure and importance to the coming Senate elections. 

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Voting is Nigh!

With the senate elections only two days away, it is the optimal time to see if you can vote or if you have to. Within the constitution of the FRS, it is stated that all those who are of the legal age of majority, hold citizenship of the FRS and are of sound condition of health are eligible to vote. However, the constitution later specifies that the process of voting is up to the state in question to decide upon. A Shffahkian citizen can vote in any state but if they do not vote at all, the state they reside in might have legal repercussions. It is good to note that each state has different requirements as well as qualifications for voting. The most infamous of these requirements is compulsory voting whether enforced or not. And some Shffahkian expats might find that their state doesn't allow voting from people outside its borders. 

One more thing to mention is that, although the constitution doesn't state that Shffahkia is a one-party state, all voting areas, booths and websites related to the democratic process are operated by the Collectivist Party. This means that membership to the party, although not officially necessary, is required in practice so that you may be able to vote. If you are not a member, you can seek membership by filling an application and sending it to your local government offices. 

In Shffahkia, there are even colloquial terms for those who vote or don't. Voters are referred to as 'balotants' and non-voters as 'malbalotants'. Keep in mind that depending on the state, being a malbalotant is considered a crime and in some being a balotant is difficult due to local restrictions. 

Saint Esprit/Piranhahasse

The largest state in Shffahkia is also the most infamous when it comes to voting requirements and restrictions. It is known for its enforced mandatory voting. The punishment for missing municipal, federal or state elections without proper reasoning is 2 months of mandatory labor civil service. Piranhahasse doesn't accept votes from expats which means citizens must either vote in a state that allows expats votes or travel to Piranhahasse to vote in its elections. However, expats that do not vote are not subject to legal ramifications. The Piranhahasse Collectivist Party will also remove anyone from its voting registry who hasn't voted in 2 consecutive elections. 

Saint Catherine

Catherine has its own voting laws where the state officially has mandatory voting for people between the ages of 25 and 60 after which you're no longer allowed to vote in municipal or state elections. Federal elections are open for people who have reached the age of majority (18), and people are not subject to legal repercussions if they do not vote in them. Municipal and state elections are enforced and not voting in them may rarely lead to 4 weeks civil service. Being eligible to vote is a challenge in and of itself. The Catherine Collectivist Party is known for restricting its 16,7 million resident's ability to vote. It has gone as far as to remove 4 million people from its voting registry in 2017 on the basis of misspellings or punctuation errors. It isn't a great surprise that Catherine has elected essentially the same individuals in its state and municipal elections for the past 50 years. Despite the efforts of this state, the federal elections are open for almost all, and people always have the ability to vote in the neighboring state of Côte d'Argent. 

Mines Générales

The second largest state of Shffahkia has mandatory voting which isn't enforced. Compared to Piranhahasse and Catherine, voting in Mines Générales is relatively easy as the state doesn't persecute malbalotants, but the Mines Générales  Collective Party does remove people from its registry after 4 consecutive absent elections. Also reentering the registry is quite difficult because the approval of a state judge is required before your reentry is approved. Judges in this state only go through reapplication pleas four times a year where on average 60% of the pleas presented are accepted. 

Côte d'Argent

The state of the Silver Coast has the most lax voting laws of any state. It doesn't practice mandatory voting, nor does its Collectivist Party remove people from its registry due to inactivity. It accepts not just the votes from all its residents but also the votes from expats and residents of other states in federal elections. This is achieved through a legal loophole where voters from other states are marked as momentary residents. If you've been removed from the voter registry of your respective state, you can vote in the applications for the Silver Coast Collectivist Party. The state formerly known as Havsrige and later as Silverhamn has a history of laissez-faire attitudes and policies which can be seen from its progressive attitudes towards voting.

 

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16 423 Shffahkians arrested at voting booths: 16 dead

As the Senate elections draw to a close and various media outlets broadcast the results of an overwhelming Larue victory, a news story has taken centre stage. The story is about several Shffahkians finding themselves arrested at voting areas even before being able to cast their ballots. The story became even more prevalent when the Piranhahasse Police Department confirmed that 28 Shffahkians were shot in two different confrontations with 16 confirmed dead. The people in question were tied to the Front Sfakien organization. 

The Front Sfakien is an alt right political hate group officially classified as a Volonté Libre organization. The FS has been a minor talking point in Shffahkian politics until Larue brought the group to the front and centre of her presidential campaign in 2012. In the campaign, Larue presented FS as a serious threat to Shffhakian democracy and Collectivism. However, she found herself unable to take the initiative due to the high road policy of the Collectivist Party at the time. The FS is staunchly against Larue's administration and has spent much time on a misinformation campaign aimed at diminishing Larue and her supporters politically. 

The president issued a presidential initiative which gave army officials and the police the right to arrest anyone associated to either the Front Sfakien or the spreading of misinformation. Reports show that only 508 of the 16 423 arrested were not associated with the FS. Most confrontations were peaceful but two confrontations turned deadly after FS supporters gathered for a demonstration and were faced with the Shffahkian military. 16 altogether were shot due to violently resisting arrest. 

President Larue stated in a victory rally of a fellow supporter, "... These people [members of FS] have no place in our democracy. In the past, the Collectivist Party policy has been to take the high road and leave them be. That was wrong. It has only served to empower these dangerous influences to spread their falsehoods and ideologies of evil."

While normal every-day Shffahkians are debating on whether or not the presidential initiative was right or not, Shffahkian political analysts are wrapping their heads around the actions of Larue. Political analyst André Azaïs said "Party compliance has always been a priority with every politician, president or not. For onlookers, it seems that Larue has either silenced the CP or is simply working outside the party which hasn't been done since the 1940's." 

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President Larue: "Culture and language supersede political ideology"

170px-Fleur_de_Lis_wall.jpgPresident Larue shocked many a Shffahkian on November the 28th as she introduced a new bill to the Federal Senate and the Chamber of Representatives. The bill doesn't fall short from total political reform for both Shffahkia and the Collectivist Party itself. Central to the bill is the return of Aurelian Lysonism. 

A Blast from the Past

Aurelian Lysonism was a political doctrine and a societal belief that Shffahkia was united, not by race, religion or geography, but by the Lysian language. Lysonism played a large part in Shffahkian expansion. A notable rift appeared, however, during the 1880s, Aurelian Lysonists were separated into classical Aurelio-Lysonists and into Aurelio-Lysophones. The difference became over culture as Aurelio-Lysonists saw that Lysian culture was also a uniting factor whilst Aurelio-Lysophones saw that only the Lysian language was the great uniting factor of Shffahkia. Lysonist doctrines saw their end with the Shffahkian civil war. During the terror of Delacroix, Shffahkia officially denounced Lysonism since it was seen as anti-collectivist. Finally, in the break-up of Shffahkia in the 1960s, Shffahkia lost most of its territory, and the former Shffahkian states were divided on the basis of political ideology officially ending the era of Lysonism until now as President Larue 

The Bill

The bill itself revolves around Shffahkian citizenship, civil rights and language reform. According to the bill, any native Lysian-speaking Aurelian is eligible for Shffahkian citizenship. This upset many as a large part of Collectivist ideology are the denial and denouncement of Nationalism. The President argued that Aurelio-Lysian unity supersedes any political ideology. The General Secretary of the Collectivist Party, Jacob Baillairgé, called Larue "a traitor of the collective cause" which has put the president against the party. Political commentator, André Azaïs, called the bill a break-up of Larue with the party. However, the Collectivist Party was unable to stop the passing of the bill through the legislative organs as Larue has systematically replaced party loyalty with loyalty towards herself within the Federal Senate and the Chamber of Representatives greatly reducing the CP's influence. 

Second, the bill guarantees that all government services should be conducted primarily in Lysian and that Esperanto should lose its government support. This effectively backpedals the last 30 years of Esperanto use in governance. This part of the bill was largely seen as an effort on Larue's part to erase Kondukanto's mark in Shffahkia for good. President Laure herself called Kondukanto's reign "a time best left forgotten". Larue has said herself to be a collectivist and to be fiercely opposed to nationalism, yet she has insisted on the importance of Aurelio-Lysian culture and language. 

Third, the bill requires that Shffahkia officially change its national spelling standards from Europan Lysian to Aurelian Lysian. This means that Shffahkia is now officially called "La République Fédérative da Sfakie" and that the language itself is called "Lycien". Shffahkia remained the only Lysophone country in Aurelia to not officially use the Aurelian standard which has now changed. 

 

Lysophonie.png

Public support and reception of the bill have been immensely positive. According to polls, Larue has risen to be the most popular president of Shffahkia with an approval rating that averages 70%. The high approval rate can mostly be attributed to her near-constant reforms. Larue has crafted herself an image as a uniting figure in contemporary Shffahkia, yet many critics say she is still another collectivist president but with a pro-Lysian spin.

Following the passing of the bill, the flag of the OAL (Organisation Aurelienne da Lysiophonie) also known as the Union flag was hung beside the Shffahkian flag. The moment itself symbolized Shffahkian commitment to the Aurelio-Lysian cause. 

"Le temps da division est terminé. Ce jour marque la commence d'une époque d'unité entre les aurelio-lyciens. Nous ne devrions plus être séparé sur la base de l'idéologie politique parce que notre culture et notre langue la surpassent. La cause collective, c'est notre cause, c'est la cause d'unité aurelio-lycienne." stated Larue finishing her speech. 

Shffahkia hasn't been unified since the 1960s, and Larue herself was born in the early '70s which have left many wondering if her new-found vision of unity is time appropriate or at all achievable.

Edited by Shffahkia
Fixed the title
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b26ec484f6295f04950e4226bbc16995--code-barre-barcode-tattoo.jpgShffahkian writer René Cerf dies aged 92

Famous Shffahkian Collectivist writer, René Cerf, born 1926 was confirmed dead on Wednesday the 12th of December 2018. The cause of death specified on the death certificate of the late writer was cardiac arrest with respiratory failure and congestive heart failure as underlying causes. The death of Cerf marks an end to a life almost as old as the Shffahkian Collectivist Party itself.

René Cerf was possibly the most famous Shffahkian Collectivist writer whose carrier began in the 1960s with his book "La Duelo de Ideologioj" (1965) which was a political commentary based on 1960s' Shffahkia with the Shffahkian break-up looming on the background. He officially changed his name to Reneo Serfo to reflect his political allegiance. 

His claim to fame was the 1974 book "La Moderna Viro" where he laid out the characteristics and foundations of what he called "the optimal Collectivist man" who is altruistic, creative and replaceable. The book itself describes his own interpretation of the Collectivist utopia, a world where there no gods or kings reign. Core to his book were its deep-rooted criticisms of class societies and the plethora of ways with which Capitalism enables the antiquated world standards.

The most known of his work outside Shffahkia is "La Konsumanto-Sklavo" or "The Consumer-Slave" (1997). In this book, Cerf speaks of a dystopia where the populace is controlled by the faceless government referred to as the House of Naï. The House of Naï controls society, not through any religious dogma, force or political ideology, but through Consumerism. The House of Naï is formed from the Sons of Fhaign who are the rich and influential controlling the means of production and thus controlling society through various consumables such as new clothes and new cars. The society laid out within this book is one obsessed with the prospect or satiating their individual egoist needs with the newest fads. This way of life is called Nova Vivo within the book, and central to it is the concept that a man cannot be happy if he doesn't have as much as possible of the newest products. According to Nova Vivo, a person's worth comes not from their inherent humanity or labour, but rather through the economic potential that person possesses which is seen from their own possessions. The individual is constantly pressured to buy the new needless commodity so they may truly be happy until the next new commodity comes out. The book follows the organization L1B3R3C0 or FR33D0M which seeks to undo the rule of the House of Naï.

René Cerf was deeply engaged with Shffahkian politics and clashed many a time through his 92 years of living with the Collectivist Party and Kondukanto. He has gone on record calling President Larua "a dictator who is only a stone's throw away from a tyrant." Despite the historically cold relations between the two, Larue stated during Public Broadcast that "... Cerf and I didn't have the best relations, and I'd wager to guess he had less than great things to say of me. Nevertheless, he was an exemplary writer one we will miss sourly. But his death reminds us that as the world changes so does Shffahkia..."

René Cerf stated within his will that he wishes to donate his body towards scientific causes after his death. Thus he will not be buried. A memorial is set to December the 17th within his hometown of Notiqualle where a memorial plaque will be unveiled at the Notiqualle town hall to honour one of its most distinguished inhabitants. 

Edited by Shffahkia
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Collective Minister Igor Quint forcefully removed from the Senate during Mental Breakdown

3083285098_f8390a695f.jpgLong-time Collective Minister, Igor Quint, aged 70 suffered a mental breakdown during his speech to the Federal Senate on Friday the 22nd of December at approximately 20:00 o'clock. 

Collective Minister Quint was giving a speech regarding the further implementations of indoor farming within Shffahkiaville when slowly his language and terminology began to become more aggressive towards the Senate. Some ten minutes into his speech and questioning, he began to insult other senators who approached his proposal with scepticism. When half an hour had passed, his behaviour took a stark turn towards the neurotic. He began to exhibit rapid fluctuations in his mood. One moment seeming extremely depressed, yet the other entering a state of mania. 

It was after the half-hour mark that Collective Minister Quint began to assault Senator Grégoire Barreau first throwing a shoe towards him and then throwing his glass of water towards the inquiring senator. Historically, Senator Barreau and Minister Quint have collided on a plethora of issues and policies. The guards initially began intervening after Minister Quint threw his glass at the senator. However, it took some 7 guards and some senators to chase him out of the Senate. Minister Quint finished his speech by saying  "Vous savez ce qu'il ne va pas avec ce bordel de monde? C'est ce que tout le monde veut une solution magique à chaque problème mais personne, presonne je dis, n'est prête pour y croire, la magie!"(You know what's wrong with this world? It's that everyone wants a magic solution to every problem but no one, and I mean no one, is ready to believe in magic!)

Following this, Minister Quint began to run around the Senate building in an effort to avoid capture. The 70-year-old man was capable of avoiding capture from the guards some 2 more hours largely thanks to him barricading himself in an elevator. The Senate security footage shows Minister Quint frantically running around the Senate building. The footage itself has received widespread media attention. Many people pointing out the surprising fitness of the 70-year-old Minister.

After the capture of Minister Quint, he was taken to police custody where he remains as of now. The Shffahkiaville police officially announced that his mental condition is being tested to figure out the proper course of action. Minister Quint has served Shffahkia some 40 years where he has made a name for himself for sticking up against "idiotic politicians who know not what they do" which has made him somewhat known in Shffahkia. 

 

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Dead Shffahkian Inmate Found in Solitary Confinement Cell Ignites Controversy

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Jaïr Taulle, 38, was found dead in a solitary confinement cell in the Éleigne Federal Penitentiary on January the 7th 2019. The death was initially reported as a suicide by the prison faculty.

However, the sister of the deceased, Anne Lozé, didn't buy the initial report later filing a request for an investigative committee to look into the matter on January 9th. The Committee for the Investigation of Prisoner Maltreatment in Éleigne Federal Penitentiary returned January 14th with its findings that would go on to shock many Shffahkians. The committee found that Jaïr Taulle had died of dehydration as a result of extreme neglect from the prison staff.  

Interviews with staff members reveal that he was left as the only inmate in solitary confinement by a checking error leading to him essentially being forgotten. A guard wishing to remain anonymous said ".... [the] part where solitary confinement is located is actually rarely visited by guards or staff when there's no inmate there." The committee concluded with the finding that a checking error had led to Taulle being reported as absent from solitary confinement when in reality he was still there. The guard in charge of checking was found to not have been actually the one to conduct the procedure. Rather he had left it to another guard which according to the anonymous guard isn't very rare. "The lack of resources and manpower often leads to situations where senior guards allocate their duties to newer officers."

The horrific discovery of the actual conditions in Éleigne has galvanized many into action and caused an uproar in many parts of Shffahkia. The locals living near Éleigne have signed a petition to close the facility down. The petition will be looked over by the Mines Générales rehabilitation committee. Yet this isn't the first time the treatment of prisoners has caused uproar in Shffahkia. It isn't even the first time Éleigne has caused such controversy. Colloquially Éleigne is known as Monmor (Mont Mort) for its location and infamous reputation. 

Prison reform has long been discussed and advocated for. There has even been a hit movie called "The Blue Inmate"  based on a book of the same name written by Sacha Taôme. The Blue Inmate is a biography telling the story of the writer's own experiences as an inmate in a similar neglected facility in the early 2000s. The most memorable scene from the movie is the so called "yard execution" where a guard outright shoots an uncooperative inmate. "The system became very clear to me at that moment. Guards who are willing to do egregious acts get promoted while the decent leave. This is all in the name of efficiency, to keep the facility productive. The food shortages, overworking inmates and the disregard most are put under make perfect sense when you think of the purpose of the facility: to produce as much as possible with the lowest cost. It all creates this toxic atmosphere where inmates live in a perpetual state of terror fearing for their very survival. To my knowledge, that guard hasn't faced any repercussions for taking the inmate's life to this day." Sacha writes about the occurrence. 

Tougher Than Tough When Is It Enough?

Enacting prison reform isn't a simple affair. The Federal Senate, the Chamber of Representatives and the Collective of Ministers have no say in prison reform as rehabilitation and facilities related to it are strictly under the control of the Shffahkian Council. The sitting president of the Council, President Rémy, has flat out stopped any attempt at reform. His "tougher-than-tough" rehabilitation policy is mostly credited with the current prison system and its results both good and bad. According to the current system, inmates are classified as either risk inmates or not. The risk classification is given to repeat offenders or inmates charged with especially heinous crimes such as murder or corruption. In practice, this creates two systems, and depending on the system where an inmate is put, it could be the difference between rehabilitation and neglect. 

System 1 has been praised for its efficiency and results. First-time offenders often find that prison life in the 1st system resembles everyday life with facilities looking more like campuses. Inmates also have a myriad of employment and education options. The 1st system is first and foremost made to rehabilitate. As a result, it boasts great results such as a low return rate. The 1st system seems and in many ways is radically forgiving. It is focused on the bigger picture, what's best for society.

In stark contrast to the 1st system, is the 2nd system where so called risk inmates are sent. Repeated offences, bad behavior and heinous crimes lead to an inmate being branded as a risk. The largest difference between the two systems is that the 2nd system is not designed to rehabilitate its prisoners. Risk inmates are often forced to into physical labor and are offered little in terms of educational opportunities. The 2nd system has a history of being put under international and local scrutiny for its cruel and unusual practices. Inmates that do leave the 2nd system often experience dire physical and psychological medical problems from beatings and psychological torture which are a part of everyday prison life. President Rémy's prison reforms have set a bleak outlook for anyone designated to be a risk since funding has largely been allocated to the 1st system. A 2017 study from the University of Shffahkiaville revealed that 2nd system facilities allocate only a 6th of the funding per prisoner than their 1st system counterparts.  "The lack of funding has led to facilities having to compensate through 'morally grey' activities. These include selling prisoner labor even when the facility in question isn't a labor camp and reselling prisoner's food and other supplies which means prisoners often get food only every other day in the present and that prison cafeterias are often empty. This is because facilities in the 2nd system often have such lacking funding that we have next to nothing left after we consider the pay for the faculty. If a facility wants to have educational courses or anything of the sort, it has to come up with the funding itself." An anonymous warden had to say of the situation.

The Senate, Chamber and Collective of Ministers have all passed bills officially requesting for prison reform from the Council, but President Rémy has stood by his reforms arguing that a harsher stance on repeat offenders and heinous criminals deters crime, and that lowered funding leads to the resources being spent on those who still have a chance of rehabilitation. In fact, President Rémy has advocated for even harsher treatment but has been stopped by more moderate members of the Shffahkian Council. With the situation as it is in the Council, prison reform of any kind seems unlikely despite popular demand. 

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Lysonism brought to test - Catherine flag change put on ballotCatherine-en-Sfakie.png

The Electoral Committee of the Collectivity of Catherine (Le Comité Électoral da Collectivité da Catherine) or CECC declared on a press release that a proposed flag change would make its way to the Catherine ballot on the upcoming State Elections officially referred to as the Collectivities Elections. Catherine is the second largest state of Shffahkia by population with some 30 million inhabitants which is only surpassed by the most populous Shffahkian Collectivity, Piranhahasse. Together Catherine and Piranhahasse are home to roughly half of all Shffahkians.

Despite its prominent position in Shffahkian politics, it has been overshadowed regularly by the larger state of Piranhahasse in the past. The situation, however, has changed with the Reintegration of Paranne. As a part of the reintegration act, the Collectivity of Catherine received a significant amount of land increasing its political influence, especially when taking into consideration the relative wealth located in the new southern parts of Catherine. Yet with this new land, came new residents. Residents who do not see the current collectivity flag as representative of the state. In fact, the current flag is the same as the emblem of the Catherine branch of the now-abolished Collectivist Party.

Catherine-old-flag.pngResidents wishing to change the flag began collecting signatures from other residents in order to get the attention of the CECC. After a month of collecting signatures amounting to some 800 000 Catherinians signing the petition, the CECC officially took the flag change to its agenda. There are several ways in which change can be sought at the state level. One of them is putting the proposed change to the collectivity ballot and letting residents of state decide for themselves. If residents choose to opt for a flag change, it is the legal responsibility of the elected official such as the state's general assembly and the Governor to see the change through regardless of their own opinions.

Catherine is considered the most "Lysian" state in Shffahkia. Historically Catherine has been the home for most Lyso-Shffahkian movements such as the OAL (Organisation Aurélienne da Lysophonie). Catherine was also the birthplace of Classical Lysonism in Shffahkia which is the forerunner of the current form of Lyso-Collectivism pursued by Union President Larue and her party, the Lyso-Unionist Party (LUP). 

The Lyso-Shffahkian TricolourLyso-Shffahkian-Cockade.png

The Lyso-Shffahkian Tricolor refers to the grey, white and red flag that originated in the late eighteenth century to represent Lyso-Shffahkians. The tricolour was first used by the Southern Lysian Society of Shffahkia (Société Lysienne du sud de la Sfakie) in the form of a cockade to represent the society in the administrative assembly of the Catherine Colony. The tricolour remained in relative anonymity until the Flag Scuffles (Les Bagarres du Drapeau) during which the Lyso-Shffahkian tricolour was adopted by the Lysonists as their choice for the Shffahkian flag. The Flag Scuffles was a period of time situated at the beginning of the reign of Emperor Eustace I revolving around the question of which symbols would be chosen to represent the newly-independent empire.

The Early Shffahkian Empire was in many ways different and almost unrecognisable from the Shffahkia of today. Shffahkian Society was split between the Lysians to the south and the Limonaians to the north. Compared to today's Shffahkia, Limonaians in the Early Empire were far more influential and in some cases more influential than their Lysian counterparts. Northern Shffahkia had grown wealthy as a result of trade with the expansive Limonaian Colonial Empire. The Lysians, on the other hand, didn't have an expansive colonial empire to conduct trade that would have been equally profitable.

Limonaian influence in Shffahkia during the early empire was so great that the first Shffahkian national anthem was written entirely in Limonaian and during the first imperial address, the Emperor began his speech in Limonaian.
First-Flag-Scuffle.pngThe north's still-strong connection to the Limonaian Empire, especially in economic terms, worried many Lysians as only a decade or so before Shffahkia was almost entirely Lysian. Lysonism as a political ideology became increasingly popular among the Lysian aristocracy who sought to protect their culture and language from Limonaian influence. Lysonism largely aimed towards the prevention of the spread of the Limonaian language and culture inside Shffahkia. 

Although originally only popular in the south, internal immigration from Catherine to the other states led to the spread of Lysonism, especially towards western settlements. In time Shffahko-Limonaian immigration towards the west would outgrow Lyso-Shffahkian immigration in volume, however, areas such as West Catharine and Eustathe had already enacted Lysonist policies which caused much of the Lysonisation of the Shffahko-Limonaians seen in the nineteenth century. 

Despite internal immigration from Catherine playing an integral part in the spread of lysonism, it was further helped by the territorial reforms enacted by Eustace I. Seeing the divide between Shffahko-Lysians and Shffahko-Limonaians, Eustace I decided to remedy the situation by combining several culturally Lysian and Limonaian territories into singular states. This would leave Shffahkia with only one primarily Limonaian state which greatly diminished the influence of Shffahko-Limonaians and eased the spread of Lysonism. 

Finally, the improvement of ties between Shffahkia and Limonaia led to more Shffahko-Lysians taking part in Limonaian trade which lessened the economic power and importance of the Limonaian aristocracy. Soon almost completely Lysian cities such as Port-au-Roi and Port-de-Lys became just as rich if not more so than their Limonaian counterparts. 

The slow decrease of cultural Limonaian influence led to the rise of Lysonism. So much so that in a few decades policies of Lysonisation were being enacted on the national level. The first republic, which formed after the fall of the empire, would go on to adopt the Lyso-Shffahkian tricolour as the national flag but at that point, most Shffahko-Limonaians and immigrants had already been Lysonised so far that Limonaian had almost completely disappeared from Shffahkia with only the north as a Shffahko-Limonaian region. 

The disappearance of the Limonaian language from the majority of Shffahkia was considered a cultural necessity in the state of Catherine. It is the vigour at which Catherinian politicians pursued Lysonisation policies which garnered them and Catherine itself a reputation of racism and xenophobia.

This same racism and xenophobia became attached to the Lyso-Shffahkian tricolour which would lead to its ban during the Collectivist Revolution.

Catherine-newold-flag.png

The CECC came to the decision that the new flag would be either a previously used flag or a completely new flag. Alongside the two change options, voters can also choose to keep the old flag. The old flag which voters have the option to revive is the original Catherine Flower Flag (Drapeau de la Fleur Catherine). Originally used in the mid-nineteenth century following the creation of the First Republic. The flag in question is considered offensive by many as it's the flag under which many forced lysonisation policies took place. Under the original flag, Lysonisation was a fact of life. Speaking any other language in public spaces was a finable offence, and spreading books were required by law to be exclusively be printed in Lysian. 

Many Shffahkian university students took to the streets to protest against it. The counter-flag protest pointed out that the extensive Lysonisation policies paved the way for the Esperantist and their final revolution. The protests remained peaceful with some police officers deployed to oversee the demonstrations. The protests were among the only technically illegal demonstrations that were not met with an immediate response of violence from the state as has been the norm before. 

New-Catherine-FLag.pngThe second alternative is a version of the Catherine Flower Flag made by Ouilliame d'Éire. The flag has a traditional white background with the Lyso-Shffahkian tricolour below the Catherine Flower. The redesign hasn't garnered much popularity because some see it as disgraceful to the original flag whilst others see it as another symbol for the infamous Lysonisation only slightly altered. 

The response on the government's part has been inaction. Union President Larue stated "... I do not see it [The original flower flag] as a racist symbol as it is more a symbol for Catherine. Catherinians are famously proud of their culture, while I understand this, it is important to note that Catherine and Shffahkia as a whole have changed - we have constitutional guards to prevent such things from happening again. Whether or not it is chosen as the flag is for Catherinians to choose for themselves... "

Previous Administrations have not been so accepting of change but many feel that Larue's openness to the flag change is going too far. "Allowing open discussion about history is a whole thing entirely from allowing the bringing of symbols of cultural oppression into the mainstream." remarked an anonymous protester when interviewed about the reason why they were out on the streets. 

Edited by Shffahkia
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    • By Shffahkia
      (factbook under construction)
      The Collectivist Peoples Democracy of Shffahkia or just Shffahkia or simply Shffahkia/Sffahkia/Sfakia is an ultra-collectivist nation. Sffahkia's official state ideology is known as Ultra-Collectivism, Collectivist Socialism or Socialism-Collectivism which emerged during the 1920's as an alternative for Communism, Syndicalism and other left leaning ideologies. The name Shffahkia can be spelled three ways either the more traditional Shffahkia and Sffahkia or the more modern Sfakia which stems from the French name Sfaquie/Sfakie. 
      Shffahkia, as it has followed Collectivist Socialism, has become an anomaly in the world: No national currency, all private property is strictly illegal, all property is owned by the collective and traditional economic growth is seen as one of the pillars of social inequality and the value of products is determined by how much time and labor is put into it. This view of value means that buildings and food are seen as more valuable than gold and diamonds which have no value in Shffahkia and only gather dust in collectivized pools. Since private property is illegal all property is owned by the collective and is gathered in "pools". the term stems from the early days of collectivization when small private property such as farming equipment were gathered in pools where they'd await to be spread out evenly. Officially Shffahkia has a Collectivist planned economy, in practice, however, it has a "delandets ekonomi" or sharing economy where people borrow and loan instead of actually owning property.
      The flag of Shffahkia is called the Golden Pigeon Flag. The flag depicts a golden pigeon in a red background under a blue circle which holds a red yellow star within it surrounded by two strands of wheat. The red background itself refers to Socialism, the blood of those who died for the state and the red color worn by the red guard during the War of the People.
      The red/yellow star surrounded by a blue circle refers to Collectivist Socialism the state's ideology. Its position above the golden pigeon symbolizes its position as a trans-national ideology and, therefore, symbolizes the global revolution Shffahkia is a part of.
      The two strands of wheat symbolize agriculture and the common people.
      Finally, the golden bird which is a long-standing  national symbol. Its origin as the symbol for Collectivist Socialism begins in the 1920's as resistance movements used pigeons and other birds to secretly spread intelligence without the state's knowledge. The golden bird above all symbolizes peace which every public official swears to uphold. 
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