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Shffahkia last won the day on September 26 2018

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About Shffahkia

  • Birthday November 11

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  • NS
  • Capital
    Shffahkia City
  • HoS
    Adélaïde Larue
  • HoG
    Louque Admie

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  1. Shffahkia

    [OOC] Pandemic

    It's going to be very nice seeing the mods play some Plague Inc. Eurth Version.
  2. Shffahkia

    NSAS (Nacia Sciiga Agentejo de Sffahkia)

    Dassie Revivalists Demand Secession In recent weeks Shffahkian news has been filled with speculation and guessing about the upcoming elections. The elections of 2019 are set up to become one among Shffahkia's most bizarre elections. As the party negotiations between the Lyso-Unionist Party (LUP) and the New Collectivists' Party (PNC) wage onwards, another issue has popped up in social media and has made its way to mainstream news outlets. Some say the issue is nothing but a distraction, others are taking it seriously. The issue in question is the Dassie State Revivalist Movement (Le Mouvement Revivaliste d'État Dassie). (The Shffahkian States and Special Administrative Regions by their flags ->) Shffahkia is a federative republic formed from six states (Piranhahasse, Catherine, Catherine-Occidentale, Mines Générales, Deux-Rivières and Eustathe), two Special Administrative Regions (Région Administrative Speciale: Port-de-Lys, Côte D'Argent and L'État aux Bonshommes) and one Federal District (Sfakieville). The Dassie State Revivalist Movement wants to, depending on how much is demanded, add one state to that number. The DSRM has been active ever since the state of Dassie was disbanded by Emperor Eustace I. Historically the cause has been carried on by the Dassie State Society of Port-Réel. However, following the Collectivist Revolution, many Dassie revivalists saw their chance with the new regime. Unfortunately, Delacroix, the leader of the revolution, didn't provide the means for secession. From the 50s onward, the DSRM became the target of ridicule, especially in the entertainment industry which has led to many forgetting the history of one of Shffahkia's first states. In the late 1700s, Shffahkia was divided into Lysian colonies, located in the south, and @Limonaian colonies, located in the north. The Limonaian and Lysian colonists lived in relative peace until a border dispute erupted between the two colonies over differing interpretations of border agreements. At first, it was thought that the disputed territory belonged to Dassie, however, it was soon found out that the Lilly River on which the border is based on didn't reach the disputed area. Instead, the colony of Saint-Esprit was given the right to claim the land. The dispute would go on to cause the Second Shffahko-Colonial War, but the decision to side with Saint-Esprit instead of Dassie is considered the first betrayal by revivalists. Dassie was among the most prosperous colonies even being home to the de facto capital: Port Réel, yet it had its problems. Most notably the colony was divided by the Grande Rivière. It made enforcing the Royal Code beyond the great river extremely difficult. Following independence, Emperor Eustace I dissolved Dassie and other states as a part of his wide-reaching land reform. The territory Dassie became parts of Deux-Rivières, Mines Générales, Catherine, Saint-Esprit and Catherine-Occidentale. Historians often call the land reforms of Eustace I as necessary and large improvements. The DSRM, on the other hand, calls it the Mutilation of Dassie. As a result of the land reforms, Dassie was completely absorbed into neighbouring states leaving many of its residents feeling that they had lost their voice. This isn't prominent in the coast, but deeper into previous Dassie lands, one will find the backstaters. Backstaters are a group of people who still identify as Dassies. They're most prominent in the state of Deux-Rivières whose capital Dasse used to be the capital of Dassie. The DSRM isn't unified in its demands. Many backstaters in Deux-Riviéres simply want the southern portion to secede and become its own state with Dasse as its capital. Others want nearby areas on Piranhahasse and Mines Générales to be added to this hypothetical state. The most extreme supporters of the DSRM demand that Dassie be reinstated as it was in the 1750s. This hypothetical Dassie would have four state capitals Croïx, Bel-Horizon, Dasse and the largest city of Shffahkia Port-Réel within its borders. Dassie would become the largest state of Shffahkia containing vast resources and almost a third of the population. Oddly enough, this state would hold within it 2 exclaves, one from Catherine and the other from Piranhahasse. The DSRM is unlikely to find any success as the fractured nature of the movement and general disinterest towards it have often left in the realm of the unknown. Despite this bleak outlook, Ivan Baume, self-identified Dassie has this to say: "Although the future may seem bleak, we must remember the times of the first settlers of Shffahkia and their trials. The very men and women who then went on to found Dassie. The DSRM is not about secession. It is about unification. It is about becoming as great as we once were. It's about finding a voice once lost and learning to sing with it. And until we sing the song of secession, we'll raise the remembrance flag." In the current Socio-political atmosphere of uncertainty, it cannot be said for sure if issues decades old such as Dassie will once more surface. Following NSAS polling, it was revealed that some 34% of Shffahkians asked don't know what Dassie is and that well over 60% of Shffahkians asked did not recognize the Dassie Memorial Flag when shown it without prior mention of the place.
  3. Shffahkia

    [IDEA] NPC nations

    On the concept of having NPC nations, there are two ideas that pop to mind. In the Greater Middle East (a nation states region based on modern day RP kinda like this) roleplayers that have been there a long time can have another nation to RP as. This isn't as easily applied to a region like this as pre-existing nations are non-existent [badum tss]. One condition is that the extra nation is very far from the main one. It could prove an idea worth exploring. The second one: events or event nations. The mod crew could come up with some crises in NPC or inactive nations that would put factions against each other. These events could prove interesting happenings to spice things up and promote factionalism but as stated before no one likes to lose. Ideally, the mods would balance the losing and winning sides to equality. The best outcome would be that inactive nations are given purpose and activity would be spiced up. The worst case scenario is that Europa becomes your average run-of-the-mill Cold War RP where one side completely dominates. I haven't been in Europa long enough to get the full perfect crystal-clear picture, but from what I've seen Europa is a more peace-oriented region where there most likely won't be any global crises more or less local ones. Both of these ideas have their hindrances but I've seen them work in other RP's to varying degrees of success.
  4. Shffahkia

    NSAS (Nacia Sciiga Agentejo de Sffahkia)

    President Larue Abolishes The Collectivist Party Union President Adélaïde Laure, following the passing of the Paranne Reintegration Act of 2019, spoke to the Shffahkian people, not as the Union President, but as the General Secretary of the Collectivist Union of the Worker (UCT / Union Collectiviste du Travailleur) or more commonly known as the Collectivist Party. The declaration shocked the nation when she declared the abolishment of the UCT marking the end of the Collectivist Party originally formed in 1892 and stated as the only allowed party in 1929 by then Premier-Dirigeant and President Duncan Delacroix. "Shffahkia is changing, our democracy is changing. Never as much as now with the passing of the Paranne Reintegration Act of 2019. We no longer live in the Shffahkia of Delacroix or Kondukanto. There is no longer a justification for the one-party system and by extension for the UCT. It is why I, Adélaïde Larue, as the current General Secretary of the Collectivist Union of the Worker officially announce the abolishment of the Collectivist Union of the Worker. Democracy is about the dialogue of ideas between its inhabitants. The UCT has acted, not in the favour of this dialogue of ideas, but against it. I extend my deepest gratitude to all party members who have laboured in the name of Collectivism within the party to improve Shffahkia, but now it is the time for us to reopen the dialogue about Collectivism. To once more debate and contribute to Collectivism. I have had many discussions on this within the party and have made preparations for a smooth transition so as to not cause alarm or damages. Diversity will only serve to better Shffahkia. It is time for Shffahkia as a nation to move forward towards a more open democracy and to close the books on the UCT for good ..." President Larue's speech was broadcasted throughout Shffahkia. Many cheered for what is seen as an extension of political freedoms and democracy long overdue in Shffahkia. Some were not as happy with the news. Many politicians and state-level official expressed doubt and condemnation claiming that abolishing the one-party system would lead to inter squabbles and extended factionalism. The abolishment has opened many unanswered questions. For example, what will happen to prisoners convicted of actions against the party? Only hours after the declaration, President Larue officially announced that she would become the leader of the new Lyso-Unionist Party (PLU / Parti Lyso-Uinioniste). Joining the former president of Paranne Dutoit and president of the OAL (Organisation Aurélienne da Lysophonie) Cortot, Larue declared that the LUP is a party first and foremost for the reunification of Shffahkia. Where the party is located at the political spectrum was left vague. Many political analysts say that based on the political policies of President Larue and Cortot that the LUP would most likely be a left-leaning Centrist party. In opposition to the PUL, politicians such as Senator Igor Quint and the President of the Chamber of Representatives Jean Vou announced the New Collectivists Party (PNC / Parti des Nouveaux Collectivists). Chamber President Vou said that the PNC would act as a stabilizing force against the radical policies of Larue making sure that Shffahkia changes at an acceptable pace. Many hard-line Collectivists have pledged their support for the party. With the abolishment of the UCT, Larue also announced that new elections would be held to redistribute seats in the four legislatures of Shffahkia most notably the Federal Senate and the Chamber of Representatives. However, elections would only be held in the newly reintegrated territories of Paranne. This means that the states of Pranhahasse and Deux-Rivières, the special administrative region of the Silver Coast and the Federal District of Shffahkiaville will not have elections. The states of Mines Générales, West Catherine, Eustathe and Catherine and the special administrative regions of Port-de-Lys and the Goodman State would have elections and public nominations respectively to choose the new representatives to serve in the Senate and Chamber. When asked about these abnormal elections, President Larue stated that "We have already had the Federal Senate Elections which means that it would be somewhat null to have them again. Instead, I shall hold bipartisan talks between the PLU and PNC to agree upon which seats shall be replaced in each of the legislatures. This way we can assure a fair outcome for both sides." Many senators and representatives have already announced their party affiliation, but a fourth of all senators and a sixth of all representatives have yet to tell which party they support. Political Analyst André Azaïs stated "This will be a rather interesting time politically for Shffahkia. It's hard to predict, if the two parties will become polarized towards one another, or if they will successfully work in a bipartisan manner. Many Larue sceptics have made their way into the PNC which paints a picture towards the first possibility. At the same time, Jean Vou has worked and cooperated with the Larue administration on many issues." Polls are being conducted on both citizen and politician alike to measure the popularity of each party. The Mercier Research Base in Antargis Announced While the abolishment of the Collectivist party and the new elections shocked the Shffahkian political community, the scientific community was surprised when the Mercier Research Base was announced jointly by the University of Ruban Rouge (URR) in Shffahkia and the Cassiano Santaniello International University (CSIU) in @Fulgistan. The two universities confirmed that they have received funding from their respective governments to establish an international scientific research base in Antargis on the peninsula called Eustaceland. Originally discovered in the early 1800s by the Shffahkian explorer Alexandre Mercier who named the peninsula he thought to be an island after the then Shffahkian Emperor Eustace I. The area became known as Terre Eustache or Eustaceland thereafter. It became the favourite spot for fishermen and hunters because of walrus tusk ivory, known as morse, from the Ivory Walrus or Obobenus Rosmarus Magnus. 19th century Shffahkians plied the area for the precious material as it was a valuable and a prestige item back home. The ivory didn't always stay in Shffahkia. Revolvers with ivory handles or "Eustacian grips" as they were known were also popular in the western territories of Fulgistan. In recent times, Fulgistan and Shffahkia have cooperated to halt the black market sale of walrus tusk ivory with methods such as flooding the markets with fake ivory to drop the price. The collaborative methods have seen varying degrees of success with a colony of Ivory Walruses being confirmed to have returned to Eustaceland in 1984. There onwards a bloom in the ivory walrus colony was noticed. Alongside the walrus colony, Eustaceland is home to various other Antargis Species such as the Antargis midge. It is the biodiversity both on and off land in the area that makes it an optimal place for the MRB. The MRB has been in the works for a long time in the two universities, but it was only recently that they were able to acquire the funding necessary to build the station. The day-to-day administration of the RMB will be conducted by the Supervisory Committee of the Mercier Research Base (SCMRB) formed from the faculty of the Cassiano Santaniello International University and the University of Ruban Rouge and other researchers involved in the project. The SCMRB's mission is to ensure that the MRB is only used for scientific research and that the territorial sovereignty of Antargis is respected. "The MRB will be established first and foremost for the pursuit of scientific knowledge about Antargis. The area is home to a wide variety of both land and marine wildlife. Most notably the return of the Ivory Walrus allows us to monitor how an endangered species can recover. The station also allows us to keep a closer eye on possible poaching which is still a problem in the area as the price of walrus tusk ivory is still extremely high in the black markets. But most salient is the fact that the MRB welcomes private researches and international organisations alike to make use of its facilities for the betterment of science and our understanding of Antargis." Gérald Rousseau from the University of Ruban Rouge commented as the flag of the MRB was showed to the crowd of journalists and reporters.
  5. Shffahkia

    Tel Est Notre Destin

    Look at that they already made the changes to the map. That was extremely fast. Larue remarks as she's watching her phone in the limousine finally returning to Shffahkia. So 2020... What about 2020? That'll be when your term ends, correct? Which'll mean that I'll also be replaced in the Council too? Rémy asked Well, yes, but I'm not going to step down from my position and neither are you. There's always a but. Admie comments. I suppose you're going to pull off some constitutional gymnastics again. That I am going to do. Once my term ends as President of the Federal Senate, I'll have to be reappointed to the position of Union President. Are you sure some Nouveaux Shffahkian won't run against you? As long as I have the support of the new party, Senate and Chamber alongside the Council and Ministry, I won't have any problems being reappointed. The party will surely prefer its leader to be the Union President, but the Union President needs to have the support of all four legislature to take the position. When the elections are held are you sure that the old guard won't stop your reappointment? I won't know for sure which is why I'll be removing them from the Chamber and Senate respectively. If my knowledge serves me right, the constitution locks the numbers for the Senate and Chamber at 513 and 81 respectively. That means that by calling elections in the new states, special administrative regions, Catherine and Mines Générales, we'll have fresh new representatives and senators to replace the old guard. Special administrative regions don't have elections because the constitution defines elections as the democratic process taking place in a state. They actually have Public Nominations. I actually began my political career as a Public Nominee. Rémy adds. That's aside from the point. I'll be able to get rid of some thorns from the Senate and Chambers this way which reminds me there's no need to make the call about Quint. Why the sudden change of mind? Admie inquires. It's better to know where the hits are coming from than not. Larue replies as she begins to look at her phone again. That Cortot fellow was a bit strange, don't you think? What do we have on him? Rémy inquired. Well, he's the son of a prominent old republican in Baydor which sets off a number of alarms. It'd be most advantageous to keep an eye on him and the AOL. Larue stated. Especially since the AOL will be supervising the government to make sure the ehm... human resource issues. Admie replied Exactly, which means we have a lot of documents to tear and burn. Beginning with these! Larue says as she takes three documents from Admie and proceeds to rip them to shreds. Was that the Port-Réel Celebrations Budget!? Admie asked with a look of outrage.
  6. Shffahkia

    Tel Est Notre Destin

    The three Shffahkians entered the large glass-roofed room as the last arrivals due to their earlier distraction. In front of them was a large table spanning across the room. The three delegates took their seats and began flipping through the documents laid in front of them. In the documents were the talking points: economic reintegration, joining military and civil institutions, human rights, political freedom and land reintegration. Directly across them, sat the Parannais negotiators. Among them were President Dutoit, Premier Leroux, Mayor Marais and the spokesperson for the ADIWMHA, Paimah Linguanguaror. The presence of the ADIWMHA alongside a few other natives’ rights groups sent a very clear message to the Shffahkia proper delegation: native rights would be central to the negotiations. Natives in Shffahkia are lumped into two groups: the Autochthons and the Taréque both egregiously imprecise. Taréque refers to natives situated between Shffahkia and southern Aurelia while Autochthon refers to natives living northward from the Taréque. It’s never actually been cleared what the actual distinction is. Several tribes are given either of the labels haphazardly without taking into consideration the distinct tribes. Generally, Autochthons are indigenous people in Shffahkia while Taréque are ones outside it. However, with historical expansion, the differentiation became harder and harder. Sitting between the two sides are members of the OAL (Organisation Aurélienne da Lysophonie). The OAL traces its origins to the Shffahkian Civil War. Originally formed in 1905 in Port-Au-Roi to protect Shffahkian and by extension Lysian history in revolutionary Shffahkia. The Collectivists led by Delacroix were determined to rid Shffahkia of every trace of religion. However, the OCC (Organisation da Culture Collective), the precursor to the OAL, argued for a conservative and more controlled conversion. They were successful in some aspects and not so much in others. Religion itself was banned and Saint-Esprit was renamed to Piranhahasse, but Sainte Catharine stayed as Catharine, many churches and holy relics were spared and saved, and statues depicting religious events and saints were stored not destroyed. The OCC became the OAL following the Shffahkian breakup in the late 70s. Its mission changed from preserving Shffahkan culture and history to reunifying Shffahkia. Eustache Cortot had taken this mission to heart. Cortot was the president of the OAL and a prominent politician in almost all Shffahko-states except Shffahkia proper due to him denouncing Collectivism for its cultural genocide. He was born in Baydor and lived in Lunahasse and the Western Republic. He noticed early on in his youth that there wasn’t a lot separating Shffahko-states from another besides political ideologies. “It’s as if political affiliation determines your nationality,” he thought back in those days. He would grow up adoring the past of a unified Shffahkia and hating the Esperantists for ruining this once great nation. Politically he supported Lysonism and Pan-Shffahkianism which made him banned from Shffahkia proper. When the Parannais-Shffahkian negotiations were announced, he saw his chance to affect Shffahkian politics if not directly, then through the unification. He wasted no time pulling all the strings he could to reach President Dutoit and scoring his spot in the negotiations. Each of the three presidents: Dutoit, Larue and Cortet saw themselves making history. Dutoit saw his chance to end the meaningless political strife and to finally put an end to indigenous and political oppression. Larue saw herself erasing the Esperantists and their harm from history thus normalizing Shffahkia from their extreme influences. But perhaps the most ambitious among them was Cortot. He saw himself being a part of something bigger than Paranne or Shffahkia proper: a glorious united Shffahkia. It wasn’t only his own chance at glory, it was the chance of glory for all Shffahkians. While Larue and Dutoit both saw Paranne as the first step in the reunification of Shffahkia, Cortot saw it as the most substantial step in the total restoration of Shffahkia. As the discussions began, the first talking point, economic reintegration, sparked heavy debate. Shffahkia constituted Paranne’s largest trading partner mostly because most Parannais lived relatively near Shffahkia. The Shffahkians then suggested that the Shffahkian economic mode would be transferred to Paranne which was met with vehement opposition from all other participants. A several-hour-long debate began with one side talking about early Fulgistani and Ahranan economic policies and the other responding with Kipanese and Sunset Sea Islandian macroeconomics. Over time, the sides reached a compromise: an economic model based on State Capitalism. That way the intricate web of government-operated businesses could coexist alongside Paranne’s own private market. Moreover, it would provide room for the Shffahkian states to decide their own economic policies. As an added bonus, the Shffahkian Council and the Collective of Ministers would all be required to have a certain amount of seats reserved for the states of West Catharine, Eustathe and the Goodmen State to ensure that Collectivist economic policies wouldn’t be applied to these states by force. Up next were the army and civil institutions. However, with an agreed-upon economic model, they came easily. The Parannais army would be joined with the Shffahkian army with minimum layoffs. The civil institutions would be handled on a case by case basis. For example, the Service Parannais de Santé would be joined with the Programme Fédéral de Santé, while other institutions such as universities would remain in the jurisdiction of the state in question. Larue herself was an advocate for states’ rights despite being the representation of the federal government in Shffahkia. In her eyes, a problem solved by a state is better than a solution forced by the federal government. The next topic wouldn’t go over as smoothly as the two before. Human rights have always been questionable at best in Shffahkia. The biggest concern in the reunification for Dutoit were these rights. The situation was best described with the initial response of the Shffahkian delegation: “What human rights violations?” And so once more a debate broke out and this time it seemed as if it would be the last. The debate was a deliberate attempt on Larue’s part to test the waters. She knew that Shffahkia’s human rights record wasn’t exactly clear. So she decided to mitigate the consequences. Easily enough, both the OAL and the Parannais didn’t hold back with their knowledge on the subject. The Shffahkian president listened attentively and then agreed to stop the stated atrocities. The most notable point on the long list was involuntary euthanasia. One notably missing point in their long list was the Internal Police which was a great relief to the Shffahkian delegation. Larue agreed to stop everything mentioned on the list. To ensure the rest on her intentions, she even suggested that the OAL supervise the process of ending these violations. However, overseeing anything in the Shffahkian government will prove difficult as documents and papers often get lost to bureaucracy never to be seen again. This she could on to at the very least buy enough time. Time was a commodity Larue could afford less and less of. She was in the last year of her presidency. Her web of influence within the Collectivist Party was deteriorating because she had to focus on running the country which meant that risking a presidential election would easily go awry. Larue thought that the reunification would serve as a proper excuse to extend her presidency enough so to gather support in the newly integrated Paranne. However, she wasn’t quite ready for what would come next. Cortot began by stating that “It comes without saying that a reunited Shffahkia will be democratic...” With this, she agreed. “... but Shffahkia cannot continue to be a one-party state. No country that has only one political party can say that they are a democracy. It is for this reason that I ask you as the General Secretary of the Collectivist Party of Shffahkia to abolish it.” Larue was noticeably taken aback. Her expression turned from calm to surprise to almost angry. She grabbed the nearest cup to drink from it. It was a water cup and with every drop, it seemed like she was sliding more towards a mental outburst. Her thoughts we jumping all over the room. From the years she spent making the Collectivist Party her own seat of power to the idea of giving it all away. “Is this how Quint felt like?” she thought. She began trying to make various excuses. “The one-party system will be abolished but us there truly any need to abolish the party itself?” “Without the Collectivist Party, these discussions wouldn’t be happening in the first place.” “Shffahkia is a radical country and needs a radical system to normalize it.” The OAL and Parannais weren’t budging on the subject. She then took another cup to drink from. This time the cup was filled with coffee. Oddly the hot caffeine-rich drink helped her to compose herself in the situation. She brought her thoughts together and quickly grasped the situation once more. “And what would be the alternative?” she asked. Dutoit replied “It would be the PLU, The Lyso-Unionist Party. A party dedicated to the reunification of Shffahkia that operates in all Shffahko-States. And of course, for abolishing the old party, you’d become the leader of this party given that both Dutoit and I shall also hold high positions.” Cortot gave Larue a paper with the PLU’s symbol. It had the Aurelian Fleur-de-Lis symbolizing Shffahkian Aurelians situated in the middle of a white sun which represents Aurelia itself all on a red and blue background symbolizing the revolution and prior Shffahkian history. The Shffahkian national colours of white and blue were present with the gold for Aurelia and red for the revolution. She thought it would serve well as a unifying symbol at least for now. Larue became quiet once more and with her silence, it was as if the room itself became cold. She weighed her options: the Collectivists of the Lysonists. Which one would be the greater choice? She had already begun taking Shffahkia towards Lysonism. However, disbanding the Collectivist Party would mean new elections. And with new elections come new presidents. An election was not an option, but neither was the collectivist party any longer. She states that she would abolish the Collectivist Party and declare her position in the PLU, yet would not call for an election. “The political climate isn’t ready for such a radical shake-up. The Senate elections weren’t exactly three years ago. Until the end of my presidential term, no election will be held, except L’État aux Bonshommes and Mines Générales unless I decide otherwise. I’ve given enough ground and shall not change on this.” After a while of thinking, the participants agreed to her point. 2020 that would be when she would run out of time. A year. Not even that long. The clocks began ticking more than they ever did before to her. With all prior points agreed upon, they began on the land reintegration. Paranne wasn’t a unified state when it separated from Shffahkia rather it was composed of West Catherine, Eustathe, parts of Mines Générales and Catherine proper. Mines Générales and Catherine Proper would receive some lost land, however much of it would be kept by West Catherine. It was clear that West Catherine would wield significant political influence as a result. Mines Générales would also become far greater as it receives a large swathe of its lost territories. After the Shffahkian break-up, Mines Générales became a tiny state situated at the far end of Shffahkia. This would cease to be the case. Mayor Marais of Port-de-Lys who had been silent for the entire discussion before began to speak. He held an inspired speech on how Port-de-Lys had changed from the backwater city to the Jewel of Paranne demanding that it’d be provided with the status of a Special Administrative Region (RAS). Larue agreed to it knowing that Catherinian politicians wouldn’t be pleased, but then again she can’t let one state become too large and powerful. In fact, West Catherine had been the very centre of Paranne. Reintegration would mean that Piranhahasse and Catherine proper would no longer be the only two large states. This has many implications since in Shffahkia states are very autonomous. Competition between states is an important theme in the Shffahkian political scene. So much so that citizens vote first and foremost for candidates that are from their own state. However, with 40 million Shffahkians living in only one state, it's not a surprise that Piranhahasse is home to most presidents. The addition of a large West Catherine and other smaller states would mean that it would be possible to contest the sheer size of Piranhahasse greatly reducing the influence of Larue's home state. Another RAS region would be the dreaded Goodman State known for its Anarchy. L’État aux Bonshommes was a secluded part of Paranne which had been in a state of perpetual anarchy since the 1960s. Larue wasn’t interested in ending their little Anarcho-state, so it was for the best of all sides to leave them be. They came up with a map to represent the upcoming reintegration. From it, it was clear that Shffahkia would receive two new states with full representation within the Chamber and Senate and two special administrative regions. Finally, it was done. A comprehensive agreement reached between Paranne and Shffahkia proper. The participants shook each others’ hands and made their way to the press room to declare their result. The meeting had lasted three times longer than expected. As the three groups entered the press room, they were met with the blinding flashes of cameras and the ceaseless questions from the reporters. Larue, Cortot and Dutoit had laid the first stones for what would surely become a mountain.
  7. Shffahkia

    NSAS (Nacia Sciiga Agentejo de Sffahkia)

    Dead Shffahkian Inmate Found in Solitary Confinement Cell Ignites Controversy Jaïr Taulle, 38, was found dead in a solitary confinement cell in the Éleigne Federal Penitentiary on January the 7th 2019. The death was initially reported as a suicide by the prison faculty. However, the sister of the deceased, Anne Lozé, didn't buy the initial report later filing a request for an investigative committee to look into the matter on January 9th. The Committee for the Investigation of Prisoner Maltreatment in Éleigne Federal Penitentiary returned January 14th with its findings that would go on to shock many Shffahkians. The committee found that Jaïr Taulle had died of dehydration as a result of extreme neglect from the prison staff. Interviews with staff members reveal that he was left as the only inmate in solitary confinement by a checking error leading to him essentially being forgotten. A guard wishing to remain anonymous said ".... [the] part where solitary confinement is located is actually rarely visited by guards or staff when there's no inmate there." The committee concluded with the finding that a checking error had led to Taulle being reported as absent from solitary confinement when in reality he was still there. The guard in charge of checking was found to not have been actually the one to conduct the procedure. Rather he had left it to another guard which according to the anonymous guard isn't very rare. "The lack of resources and manpower often leads to situations where senior guards allocate their duties to newer officers." The horrific discovery of the actual conditions in Éleigne has galvanized many into action and caused an uproar in many parts of Shffahkia. The locals living near Éleigne have signed a petition to close the facility down. The petition will be looked over by the Mines Générales rehabilitation committee. Yet this isn't the first time the treatment of prisoners has caused uproar in Shffahkia. It isn't even the first time Éleigne has caused such controversy. Colloquially Éleigne is known as Monmor (Mont Mort) for its location and infamous reputation. Prison reform has long been discussed and advocated for. There has even been a hit movie called "The Blue Inmate" based on a book of the same name written by Sacha Taôme. The Blue Inmate is a biography telling the story of the writer's own experiences as an inmate in a similar neglected facility in the early 2000s. The most memorable scene from the movie is the so called "yard execution" where a guard outright shoots an uncooperative inmate. "The system became very clear to me at that moment. Guards who are willing to do egregious acts get promoted while the decent leave. This is all in the name of efficiency, to keep the facility productive. The food shortages, overworking inmates and the disregard most are put under make perfect sense when you think of the purpose of the facility: to produce as much as possible with the lowest cost. It all creates this toxic atmosphere where inmates live in a perpetual state of terror fearing for their very survival. To my knowledge, that guard hasn't faced any repercussions for taking the inmate's life to this day." Sacha writes about the occurrence. Tougher Than Tough When Is It Enough? Enacting prison reform isn't a simple affair. The Federal Senate, the Chamber of Representatives and the Collective of Ministers have no say in prison reform as rehabilitation and facilities related to it are strictly under the control of the Shffahkian Council. The sitting president of the Council, President Rémy, has flat out stopped any attempt at reform. His "tougher-than-tough" rehabilitation policy is mostly credited with the current prison system and its results both good and bad. According to the current system, inmates are classified as either risk inmates or not. The risk classification is given to repeat offenders or inmates charged with especially heinous crimes such as murder or corruption. In practice, this creates two systems, and depending on the system where an inmate is put, it could be the difference between rehabilitation and neglect. System 1 has been praised for its efficiency and results. First-time offenders often find that prison life in the 1st system resembles everyday life with facilities looking more like campuses. Inmates also have a myriad of employment and education options. The 1st system is first and foremost made to rehabilitate. As a result, it boasts great results such as a low return rate. The 1st system seems and in many ways is radically forgiving. It is focused on the bigger picture, what's best for society. In stark contrast to the 1st system, is the 2nd system where so called risk inmates are sent. Repeated offences, bad behavior and heinous crimes lead to an inmate being branded as a risk. The largest difference between the two systems is that the 2nd system is not designed to rehabilitate its prisoners. Risk inmates are often forced to into physical labor and are offered little in terms of educational opportunities. The 2nd system has a history of being put under international and local scrutiny for its cruel and unusual practices. Inmates that do leave the 2nd system often experience dire physical and psychological medical problems from beatings and psychological torture which are a part of everyday prison life. President Rémy's prison reforms have set a bleak outlook for anyone designated to be a risk since funding has largely been allocated to the 1st system. A 2017 study from the University of Shffahkiaville revealed that 2nd system facilities allocate only a 6th of the funding per prisoner than their 1st system counterparts. "The lack of funding has led to facilities having to compensate through 'morally grey' activities. These include selling prisoner labor even when the facility in question isn't a labor camp and reselling prisoner's food and other supplies which means prisoners often get food only every other day in the present and that prison cafeterias are often empty. This is because facilities in the 2nd system often have such lacking funding that we have next to nothing left after we consider the pay for the faculty. If a facility wants to have educational courses or anything of the sort, it has to come up with the funding itself." An anonymous warden had to say of the situation. The Senate, Chamber and Collective of Ministers have all passed bills officially requesting for prison reform from the Council, but President Rémy has stood by his reforms arguing that a harsher stance on repeat offenders and heinous criminals deters crime, and that lowered funding leads to the resources being spent on those who still have a chance of rehabilitation. In fact, President Rémy has advocated for even harsher treatment but has been stopped by more moderate members of the Shffahkian Council. With the situation as it is in the Council, prison reform of any kind seems unlikely despite popular demand.
  8. Shffahkia

    Tel Est Notre Destin

    Sitting in a small conference room, the three Shffahkian delegates are looking at a laptop. Playing on the laptop is a video. A video of a 70-year-old man running senselessly around the Senate building. A wide grin can be seen on Rémy's face. Admie is looking on with great concern. Say what you will about this, the old man knows how to run! He's in impeccable shape for his age! Rémy comments. Certainly so... Admie replies as the tape now shows Minister Quint barricading one of the bathroom doors from 3 other men understanding the ramifications of such actions. Larue silently watching the tape with an enraged expression. She knew that leaving Shffahkia to go on diplomatic missions would have consequences. Possibly risky ones. After all, when Kondukanto left Shffahkia, Vigier and his crew always held clandestine meetings to scheme. Seeing this old minister having a mental breakdown, enrages her beyond comparison. I cannot leave for a moment without all hell breaking loose! Larue thinks to herself in frustration. Finally, she decides to break the silence. What was the verdict on M. Quint's mental status? Uh, they say he had a nervous breakdown resulting from too much stress. They also mentioned he could possibly work after some therapy. Admie answers. Sad, he won't be seeing the outside of a mental asylum for the rest of his life. He had a daughter and grandchildren, correct? Larue replies with candour. I believe he has a daughter and two grandchildren, two boys in their early 20s if I'm not mistaken. Admie answers with a concerned voice. Oh yeah, Jean or Jeon Quint I think was one of 'em. Good kid, I went hunting with him once. Rémy reminisces. It's always sad to see such a young family go in an accident. Especially when their grandfather was going through such hardships. Larue claims with malice interrupting Rémy's reminiscing. I do believe you know what needs to be done? Euh, of course, Mme. I'll make the call right away. Rémy says in a somewhat depressed tone. The call can wait. We have more pressing matters to deal with after all. Larue says as her expression becomes more joyful. The three leave the small conference room. They walk a short distance to enter a dining room. Few hours beforehand, Larue, Admie, Leroux, Dutoit and Rémy arrived at the designated meeting point, the presidential building of Paranne. The three Shffahkians got pulled aside by a Shffahkian guard who informed them that they had some business to attend to back home. The three then went to a small conference room where a laptop was awaiting them. Now that the problem had been dealt with, the three Shffakians entered the large dining room.
  9. Shffahkia

    NSAS (Nacia Sciiga Agentejo de Sffahkia)

    Collective Minister Igor Quint forcefully removed from the Senate during Mental Breakdown Long-time Collective Minister, Igor Quint, aged 70 suffered a mental breakdown during his speech to the Federal Senate on Friday the 22nd of December at approximately 20:00 o'clock. Collective Minister Quint was giving a speech regarding the further implementations of indoor farming within Shffahkiaville when slowly his language and terminology began to become more aggressive towards the Senate. Some ten minutes into his speech and questioning, he began to insult other senators who approached his proposal with scepticism. When half an hour had passed, his behaviour took a stark turn towards the neurotic. He began to exhibit rapid fluctuations in his mood. One moment seeming extremely depressed, yet the other entering a state of mania. It was after the half-hour mark that Collective Minister Quint began to assault Senator Grégoire Barreau first throwing a shoe towards him and then throwing his glass of water towards the inquiring senator. Historically, Senator Barreau and Minister Quint have collided on a plethora of issues and policies. The guards initially began intervening after Minister Quint threw his glass at the senator. However, it took some 7 guards and some senators to chase him out of the Senate. Minister Quint finished his speech by saying "Vous savez ce qu'il ne va pas avec ce bordel de monde? C'est ce que tout le monde veut une solution magique à chaque problème mais personne, presonne je dis, n'est prête pour y croire, la magie!"(You know what's wrong with this world? It's that everyone wants a magic solution to every problem but no one, and I mean no one, is ready to believe in magic!) Following this, Minister Quint began to run around the Senate building in an effort to avoid capture. The 70-year-old man was capable of avoiding capture from the guards some 2 more hours largely thanks to him barricading himself in an elevator. The Senate security footage shows Minister Quint frantically running around the Senate building. The footage itself has received widespread media attention. Many people pointing out the surprising fitness of the 70-year-old Minister. After the capture of Minister Quint, he was taken to police custody where he remains as of now. The Shffahkiaville police officially announced that his mental condition is being tested to figure out the proper course of action. Minister Quint has served Shffahkia some 40 years where he has made a name for himself for sticking up against "idiotic politicians who know not what they do" which has made him somewhat known in Shffahkia.
  10. Shffahkia

    Tel Est Notre Destin

    Exiting out of the armoured limousine, the three presidents make their way towards the entrance of the Roué town hall which was the approved location for the meet-up. All the while cameras record and take pictures of the three walking towards Émeric Dutoit and Franck Leroux, the president and premier of Paranne respectively. The three arrive at the entrance where they begin to make their greetings and welcomes whilst posing for various photos. Welcome to Paranne, Mme. President, M. President and M. President. Thank you, M. President and M. Premier. It is great to see that Mme. President Larue has come all the way here. It has been quite an amazing experience to see Paranne and its lovely inhabitants alongside President Rémy and President Admie. Isn't it so? Most certainly so. Replies Admie whilst Rémy seems to have his sight directed towards one of the windows of the town hall. Then let us proceed inside, shall we? After the short introductions, the five proceed into the hall. A small service tray was set up wherefrom Admie got himself a cup of coffee and a glass of water. He was balancing his large stack of documents with the two cups of water and coffee respectively. There was a small exhibition of indigenous artefacts in the hall which was divided into 5 small rooms. Having fallen a bit behind, he was just entering the first room as Larue was leaving and instinctively grabbed the coffee from Admie's hand saying Don't mind if I do, thank you. Before Admie could say anything, Larue had already gone to the second room. Sigh, typical. He said under his breath. Accompanied by the president and premier, Larue, Rémy and Admie went from room to room on a guided tour of sorts where Dutoit showed off his vast knowledge of indigenous culture and history. Rémy and Admie stayed behind in the third room as the three others continued onwards. Larue took a sip from the coffee cup immidiately regreting it. Ugh, decaf. Typical. She then proceeded to quickly throw the coffee into the trash. Meanwhile, in the third room, Admie and Rémy were starring at an old artefact. What's so great about some old pot? Rémy asked looking somewhat puzzled. Well this one isn’t a pot; It’s a vase. replies Admie. No, that’s a pot if I’ve ever seen one. A pot would be something used for, say, cooking whilst a vase is more of a decoration. You saw the last rooms, the places the natives lived in. Why would they need or have vases in their mud shacks? Not all of them liv… says Admie but before he could finish, he’s interrupted by Rémy. I mean these pots are just damn awful. So frail. These natives wouldn’t know good pots or the appropriate amount of facial hair on a woman if it dropped from the sky through their mud cabins onto their pot-rooms and turns out those were sasquatches, not women, all along! What? Admie says showing an expression of pure bewilderment. Oh, no need to worry about it, from what I’ve seen these ‘creatures’ only seem to live in some muddy huts and not in cities like Roué. Besides if one were to show up, I’d be able to handle it, I’m sure. Can’t be much harder than wrestling a jaguar, right? says Rémy giving an amicable tap to Admie’s shoulder. However, either because of the physical strength of Rémy or the frail physique of Admie, Rémy accidentally makes Admie drop his pile of papers. Yelling out Agh! Admie tries to quickly reach and catch some. Doing so he accidentally bumps his head on the podium atop which the object of undecided name rests. As he’s kneeling, Admie catches a glimpse of the brown object falling to the ground and shattering into dust and pieces the earlier expression of pure bewilderment turning to that of great existential dread and regret. See! Pots as frail as feathers I say. I suppose now it doesn’t matter if it was a pot or a ‘vaase’ since pots of a feather shatter together, hah! Rising quickly from the ground, he runs to the entrance of the room to see if anyone heard the loud shattering noise. Luckily, the noise of the media outside and the Parnnais President’s loud and obnoxious lecture of indigenous history hid the loud abruption. Investigating the remains, Rémy picks up a small paper which was hidden inside the pot/vase. Ha! I solved it, it was neither a vase nor a pot but a bowl all the time. Sneaky aboriginal sasquatches! Oh, shut it. whispers Admie as loudly as he can without alarming others. That bowl was worth hundreds of thousands maybe millions, and it’s hundreds of years old thus the frailty! I wonder which one is frailer you or that bowl-pot. We don’t have time for this! What are we going to do? No worries, for I have a plan! Rémy proclaims as he takes the water cup from Admie’s grasps and puts it on the podium. Afterwards, he uses the fallen papers to collect the dust and hide it inside another bowl. There! Not a trace to be found. I’m sure no one will notice the natives inventing modern pottery a thousand years early. This is not a plan that’ll work! Good point. Rémy proclaims. He takes the water cup and pours the water to a third bowl. He breaks off the handle of the modern cup and smears its outside with the dust that formed from the original bowl breaking. The end result looking like a failed 2nd-grade art project. This will not work. This will not work. This will not work! We are done for! Oh, trust me it’ll work. Now come on, we’ve fallen behind enough as is. Rémy finishes and practically pushes Admie out of the room thereafter catching up to Laure who’s had to put up with Dutoit’s vast knowledge of indigenous culture and history. I see you two took quite particularly to the section about everyday household items. Dutoit says in a cheery manner. Indeed, the whole section was quite the smashing hit! Rémy answers. Quite smashing indeed. Admie says rubbing his balding head. Well, unfortunately, that means you missed out on the rest as we’ve seemed to have run out of time. Even the spears? Rémy inquires. Yes, even the spears. Admie replies with great discontent towards Rémy. And here, I was hoping to compare them to the ones I have back home. That’ll have to wait another day it seems. Oh, well, can’t be helped. What’s up next? Leroux replies Up next, as you most likely already know, is the dinner. We will also be accompanied by some representatives from the OAL and the new spokesperson of the ADIWMHA, Paimah Linguanguaror. As everyone begins to return to the armoured limousine, Rémy pulls Admie over and excitedly says My goodness, they have a Sasquatch! Admie pretending to have not heard the remarks catches up to the rest and enters the limousine. Rémy was the last one to enter the limousine. There should be a sasquatch in the joke! Rémy says Admie's face turning pale from the recklessness of his comrade. So, a Shffahkian, a Sunset Sea Islander and a sasquatch are sitting in the limo? Larue asks after having explained the ‘joke’ to the Premier and President. Maybe the sasquatch could be the driver? Leroux suggests unaware of what Rémy means with the word.
  11. Shffahkia

    Tel Est Notre Destin

    Roué, the capital of the Republic of Paranne (Lycian: République da Paranne). Three Shffahkians are sitting in a limousine. And then what? Nothing, it would make a fine set-up for a joke is all. Says Louque Admie, a lanky thin pale man in a suit, whom some call him the living embodiment of an academic possessing several degrees and qualifications of various backgrounds, who also happens to be the sitting president of the Collective of Ministers. Holding a pile of papers barely together with several falling from his clutches with every bump the limousine meets. Sounds like a pretty terrible joke. It ain't even got anythin' after. The three should be doing something... Like arm-wrestling! Replies a far heftier man, Rémy Rémy. Tall, outgoing and radiating a presence of courage, he is the current president of the Shffahkian Council. Never one to say much and one to almost always forget something important, a popular rumour of him is that he forgot his last own last name. Well, I didn't say it would be a fine joke per se. Says Admie as he kneels down to pick up the myriad of documents he dropped during the limousine ride. But rather that it would make a good set-up - ça veut dire - a start to one which then predisposes the listener to the comedic twist, thereby... Agh, great this year's documents for the Port-Réel Celebrations budget are besmirched in coffee. Ah, so that's where that went. Says Adélaïde Larue as she bends to pick up the leaking thermal mug putting it back on the small pile of thermal mugs of varying colours next to her. Why did you even bring those files, to begin with? Are you planning a parade float of your own or something? Well excuse me, but I said, many a time, I wasn't going to stop this discussion over the budget of these celebrations for anything. That includes this project of yours, going about galavanting across Paranne. As if the situation in Shffahkiaville isn't bad enough without you constantly avoiding our budget talks. Also, based on that pile haven't you had enough coffee? That addiction of yours is beginning to spiral out of control. You see... Larue pauses for a moment to sip her coffee. There's a difference between an addiction and a passion. Of course, there is. One is an all-consuming fire while the other is a spark of enlightenment, correct? Which stop is next again? Interrupts Rémy looking at one the documents detailing their trip around Paranne. Is it the At-risk Disenfranchised Indigenous Women's Mental Health Association or Parannais Mining Rights Society? No, we already were at the At-risk Disenfranchised Indigenous Women's Mental Health Association back in Térémaie. Does the hour-long hike to the mining site where the protests were happening ring a bell? We had to walk all the way up the mountain because they don't allow transportation vehicles that far up the mountain. Those were women? They were by far too hairy to be women; one even had a beard I'm pretty sure. You're sure they weren't the miners? More importantly, you call that a mountain? I've climbed hills that were bigger than that! They were shouting in... Louque Admie attempts to say before being cut off by Rémy. And I've climbed them without any equipment what so ever! That's great, but how do you explain the fact that they were very clearly throwing what seemed like dirt towards mining equipment? Maybe they were protesting salary cuts? They were shouting in an indigenous language... How should I know what they were speaking? And why are we even going out of our way to talk to some insane sasquatches up in the mountains? They can't even vote what's the point in that? Larue intervenes and says Paranne loves to boast of its indigenous cultural presence. Despite only 15% or so of the population actually being made up of that particular group. So making good with that important minority smooths procedures in the long run. Besides the president's husband suggested it to us prior to our visit. Which one of them was the queer one again? asks Rémy abruptly. What on Eurth do you mean? inquires Admie, flabbergasted. Émeric Dutoit is the first openly "queer," as you so blatantly put it, president of Paranne. His election was seen as a big step forward in the country. Ah, so it's Émeric and not Sylvain? By definition, they both are! Decries Admie, frustratedly at Rémy. And please, do not employ such a word during this trip. What's wrong with calling the sky blue? The negative connotations the word drags around as baggage. Drag, don't tell me they... Says Rémy before being interrupted by Larue Please just stop for goodness' sake. What if it comes up during dinner? I highly doubt this particular subject will come up during our dinner answers Admie. I'm sure we can converse over other topics such as the new ADIWMHA spokesperson... Sasquatch! Interrupts Rémy. Or perhaps the unification deal Larue continues then returning to her coffee. Ah yes, back to that. So after the dinner, we have two stops left depending on how long the pursuing negotiations are Admie preludes. They were which again? Rémy asks. The Animal Rescue Centre of Roué and then the... Wouldn't the joke be better if it began with something else than three Shffahkians? inquires Rémy. Excuse me, what? Admie replies with utter despair in his eyes. Something like a Sunset Sea Islandian, a Shffahkian and a Mauridiviahn are sitting in a limousine. That does sound more like an actual joke. Larue comments. It seems like we've almost arrived, is everything ready? As ready as it can be. replies Admie sweating from anticipation. Let's just hope no arm-wrestling happens. I would say the opposite, you porcelain man! answers Rémy right as the limousine doors open to reveal the glimmer of cameras.
  12. Shffahkia

    NSAS (Nacia Sciiga Agentejo de Sffahkia)

    Shffahkian writer René Cerf dies aged 92 Famous Shffahkian Collectivist writer, René Cerf, born 1926 was confirmed dead on Wednesday the 12th of December 2018. The cause of death specified on the death certificate of the late writer was cardiac arrest with respiratory failure and congestive heart failure as underlying causes. The death of Cerf marks an end to a life almost as old as the Shffahkian Collectivist Party itself. René Cerf was possibly the most famous Shffahkian Collectivist writer whose carrier began in the 1960s with his book "La Duelo de Ideologioj" (1965) which was a political commentary based on 1960s' Shffahkia with the Shffahkian break-up looming on the background. He officially changed his name to Reneo Serfo to reflect his political allegiance. His claim to fame was the 1974 book "La Moderna Viro" where he laid out the characteristics and foundations of what he called "the optimal Collectivist man" who is altruistic, creative and replaceable. The book itself describes his own interpretation of the Collectivist utopia, a world where there no gods or kings reign. Core to his book were its deep-rooted criticisms of class societies and the plethora of ways with which Capitalism enables the antiquated world standards. The most known of his work outside Shffahkia is "La Konsumanto-Sklavo" or "The Consumer-Slave" (1997). In this book, Cerf speaks of a dystopia where the populace is controlled by the faceless government referred to as the House of Naï. The House of Naï controls society, not through any religious dogma, force or political ideology, but through Consumerism. The House of Naï is formed from the Sons of Fhaign who are the rich and influential controlling the means of production and thus controlling society through various consumables such as new clothes and new cars. The society laid out within this book is one obsessed with the prospect or satiating their individual egoist needs with the newest fads. This way of life is called Nova Vivo within the book, and central to it is the concept that a man cannot be happy if he doesn't have as much as possible of the newest products. According to Nova Vivo, a person's worth comes not from their inherent humanity or labour, but rather through the economic potential that person possesses which is seen from their own possessions. The individual is constantly pressured to buy the new needless commodity so they may truly be happy until the next new commodity comes out. The book follows the organization L1B3R3C0 or FR33D0M which seeks to undo the rule of the House of Naï. René Cerf was deeply engaged with Shffahkian politics and clashed many a time through his 92 years of living with the Collectivist Party and Kondukanto. He has gone on record calling President Larua "a dictator who is only a stone's throw away from a tyrant." Despite the historically cold relations between the two, Larue stated during Public Broadcast that "... Cerf and I didn't have the best relations, and I'd wager to guess he had less than great things to say of me. Nevertheless, he was an exemplary writer one we will miss sourly. But his death reminds us that as the world changes so does Shffahkia..." René Cerf stated within his will that he wishes to donate his body towards scientific causes after his death. Thus he will not be buried. A memorial is set to December the 17th within his hometown of Notiqualle where a memorial plaque will be unveiled at the Notiqualle town hall to honour one of its most distinguished inhabitants.
  13. Shffahkia

    *GAME* Word association!

  14. Shffahkia

    Expansion "idea" by Shffahkia

    Greetings and Salutations! I've once more come up with some Aurelio-Lysian states which I will henceforth be calling: Shffahko-states. This map was made in Photoshop/Illustrator to better show the expanse of my historical lands. Territories from the two southmost states, Lunahasse and Liliumnie would've been lost during the fall of my empire in the 1840s. The most northern bit, Territoire Autochthon, would've been my version of the Indian Territory which I would've acquired in the late 1800s when I became a republic. This map is what I would consider my historical reach provided that no other nation pops up in it. If one does, I shall adjust as one would. The original Lysian colony would've consisted of Shffahkia proper, Citronec, parts of Paranne and Soleilhasse. Lastly, the République Occidentale and République du Baidor among the other southern states are the result of my manifest destiny which saw its end in the 1840s. I realise that I'll pretty much never reach this size. The purpose of the map was to flesh out my history with Kirvina. As to the expansion, I plan to first reunite with Paranne. This I plan to go through in December / January if I find the time. Afterwards, I plan to go for either République Occidentale or Baidor depending on the situation at hand. The idea is first to expand to the west where a lot of economic potential is and then south where more usable land is. Land north of me isn't really useful unless I want forests or to get near the Manamana. On the other hand, the land in the south is far better as the climate is more tenable. Therefore, it'd be logical to go west and then south. The expansion which I will start to write one of these days would revolve around the OAL (Organisation Aurélienne da Lysophonie) which would seek Aurelio-Lysian unification. I'm still not exactly 100% sure on how to go through with it but one conclusion I've arrived at would be starting off with negotiations. That's all for now. This was just a slightly more honed version of my earlier plans. Please do let me know if something is wrong and such. (I'll agree with my borders with Rihan and Kirvina when the time comes.) For the sake of repetition, if a nation comes to any of these areas, I'll change my history and plans accordingly.
  15. Shffahkia

    NSAS (Nacia Sciiga Agentejo de Sffahkia)

    Much anticipated Azaïs book hits the shelves this weekend Political analyst and former foreign minister, André Azaïs, will publish his long-awaited book La Sfakie De Kondukanto à Larue (Shffahkia from Kondukanto to Larue) this weekend. The book is a part of his massively popular La Sfakie series which concentrates on specific Shffahkian political or historical topics being the third in the series. The two previous works La Sfakie Une Rupture and La Sfakie Sous La Poigne de Fer de Delacroix. However, this time Azaïs isn't talking of a historical topic but rather recounting his own experiences as a Shffahkian politician from the Kondukanto administration to the current Larue administration. Before the release of his book, Azaïs gave a short interview answering some popular question about the book's topic on Shffahkian Public Broadcast. "What is your opinion of Kondukanto as a leader?" "Kondukanto was, by most accounts, an excellent leader. He modernized many aspects of Shffahkian society with his policies which has caused the current growth and relative prosperity enjoyed by Shffahkians today. A good example of his capabilities is the Shffahkian public transportation system." "Pre-Kondukanto public transportation was a nightmare. Travelling across Shffahkia was immensely difficult due to the state of neglect the public transportation industry was in. Kondukanto's administration renewed public transportation through the implementation and adaptation of technology. Today most Shffahkians don't see the need for a car because using public transportation has become so easy and available." "Still, he had two weaknesses which to this day hurt Shffahkia. First, his infamous Esperanto revolution made Shffahkia an international piranha. Second, his foreign policy was downright outdated. Kondukanto spent millions behind the scenes to possibly incite Collectivist revolutions in other countries, yet it barely led to anything. I worked as the foreign minister. For my part, I focused on the upkeep of cordial ties with most nations which at times was almost impossible with the more radical ideas of Kondukanto floating around." "Nevertheless, Kondukanto's insistence on Esperanto actually made Shffahkian civil administration far more representative than previously. Today some 47% of Shffahkian government officials are women which is a drastic change from the previous 28%. His foreign policy led to closer ties with nations such as Fulgistan. So, in a way, even his more radical policies helped Shffahkia. Overall, he was a fantastic leader and truly committed to his position." "Who is more powerful the president or the party, and is Larue truly Collectivist?" "This is a very common question. For most onlookers, it seems as if the president and the party are in a conflict of sorts, but this isn't exactly true. Larue, for her part, has replaced party loyalty with loyalty towards herself. This hasn't only happened in the government but also the party." "Larue draws her support from two main sources: the army and newcomers. Having worked in the army, I reckon, Larue has more support among military officials than among party members themselves. There's a reason why members of Front Sfakien were arrested by soldiers than actual police officers. The Collectivist Party itself is rife with factionalism. This began with Kondukanto himself dividing the party into Collectivist hard-liners and his opposers who later rallied around Vigier, etc... Today the party is divided between Larue's supporters and opposers. Larue's side is simply more unified and influential than the rest of the party. It is no shock then that Larue has systematically replaced both Vigier and Kondukanto supporters alike with far younger and more loyal neo-collectivists. I was actually fired from my position due to my public support for Vigier." "This brings me to the second question. Larue is collectivist, yet her collectivism revolves around Shffahkian reunification and a more open Shffahkian society. This is as far I can go without this turning into a rant about the various socio-economic connotations of Neo-Collectivism." "Was Larue's rise to power a surprise?" "Larue's rise to power? No. Larue, even before the referendum, had immense political power herself being one of the bigwigs of the party. This was mostly due to her close ties with the military. Not even Kondukanto knew as many people in the military as she. Vigier, on the other hand, also had very limited ties to the military. Larue was a link of sorts between the Collectivist Party and the army which was the source of her influence at the time. Her election as president was neither a surprise. A popular veteran has a considerable lead in terms of undecided voters. And back then the President of the Federal Senate didn't really have all that power." "Larue's rise to total power was a surprise. Despite her influential position within the party, she didn't show any interest in becoming the next leader. The chaos that ensued after the referendum gave her the chance to claim the mantle of leader. I cannot say why she did what she did. Especially because the wind was clearly blowing Vigier's way after the referendum. The Shffahkian Council's decision to not allow Vigier to succeed Kondukanto was a surprise and led to the situation from which Larue decided to take advantage of. This surprised many of us of the old administration, and let's not even get to the Larue amendments." "What do you think of Larue?" "Larue is a hard person to have an opinion over. On one side, she has almost total power within Shffahkia. On the other, she is certainly more open towards criticism than previous leaders even supporting Shffahkian reunification. At the moment, she rules Shffahkia as the President of the Union, which is a title brought back from Federalist Shffahkia, with the help and influence of the technocrats in the Collective of Ministers. Her supporters control both the Shffahkian Council and the Federal Senate with clear majorities. This makes the Chamber of Representatives the last legislature that can oppose Larue in a meaningful way which isn't very likely as state elections are coming. Without going too deeply into things, Larue is certainly something new but whether it is actually good for Shffahkia must remain to be seen." For a far more detailed look at politics within contemporary Shffahkia, be sure to check out Azaïs' new book La Sfakie De Kondukanto à Larue coming out November 8th.