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  1. 6 points
    Map: https://i.imgur.com/aNbWKDS.png Added: @Anatea in Aurelia. Europan NPC's to completely fill the void, after long discussions with Tag about Aroman history. Edited: Shorter canal for @Tagmatium Rules. Renamed New Halsham to Rettenmyr for @Prymont. The background layer is now V3 from the Climate Map Rework. The topography will return once that's done, to avoid any confusion of sharing intermediate versions. Removed: City of "Manitou" for Prymont.
  2. 2 points
    For the past few days I have been creating an entirely new entity and creation to spawn as an NPC and collected feedback from some staff such as @Iverica and @Sunset Sea Islands, as well as regional neighbors like @Metztlitlaca, @Eulycea, and @Shffahkia, also speaking to @Seylos in playing a small part in the foundation of this new nation and would be NPC. Discussions will remain on-going because there is somethings that will need to be worked out and solidified. I figured given the positive feedback from this that I would post about it here so updates about this, along with the rest of Oyus lore, can be made and further scrutiny to harden my lore. https://docs.google.com/document/d/1rsKjs06K5Z7mwFZhD1vhfDvMfR9dPTAUm9JVMOfY-bQ/edit?usp=sharing Earlier in this thread, I mentioned the removal of Limonaia from my history following recent events and coming with the understanding that officially, they will not be returning. Having been operating on the assumption (until it apparently being made official) this would be the case and being fed up with waiting on mere acknowledgment on the matter of history collaboration, I made a decision: Replace Limonaia with a smaller colonial power of my making. The reason for this is by having no officially approved history between Limonaia and myself, it also messes with my plans for the future, specifically expansion. Originally I had hoped to do something such as diplomatically (or forcefully) unite former colonies of Limonaia in Aurelia to Oyus, a sort of colony of its own. Removing the biggest common factor destroys any chance of that and as such this is meant to be a two birds one stone solution. I want to be clear for those already feeling nauseous of my bringing up expansion: it is still a long ways out given I am only just starting Chapter 2 of 3 in TMDM, which is going to be likely the longer chapter of the three. TMDM isn't the only project I will be involved in either prior to embarking on an official expansion. Expansion will not be so quick to come with little to have been written, with little merit. I want to be transparent with my intentions. Since I will be creating an NPC to help supplement my history, I am likely to be focusing now my efforts on polishing it's overall history first so that it can fit in with that of its neighbors and Oyus' and then polishing Oyus' overall history so that it can be set in stone.
  3. 2 points
    To: the Foreign Minister of the Federation of @Anatea From: the Agios Basilikon Kounsistorion of the Megas Agios Basileia ton Arhomaion Your Excellency, There has never been any formal relations between the Federation of Anatea and the Megas Agios Basileia ton Arhomaion, the Greater Holy Empire of Arome. It is felt by my government that it is time that this be addressed. Aurelia remains something of a distant and far off continent to the nations of Europa, although we have established relations with some of the countries of that land. Aurelia is seen as mysterious and exotic, one of the last undiscovered parts of the wurld, alongside the central deserts of Alharu. That it has taken some time for Arhomaneia to attempt to open relations with your great nation is not meant to be a slight against your country or your people, but it is due to the ever changing nature of the wurld around us. As your government has undoubtedly seen, unrest and conflict casts a long shadow across much of Eurth. This has meant that the Agios Basilikon Kounsistorion, the Holy Imperial Government, has perhaps not been as attentive to the distant corners of the wurld as it should have been. Although our nations have had little in the way of contact, I am sure that what we have in common far outweighs our nations' differences. Those differences that we might have can be put aside readily, in favour of peaceful relations, which will flourish into cooperation and mutually beneficial friendship in the years. In order to foster relations between our two great nations, I have been requested by His Aroman Majesty, Kommodos III, by the Grace of Christ the God, Agios Basileos kai Autokrator ton Arhomaion, to suggest that our nations undertake an exchange of embassies. If your government accepts, then I can forward the credentials of a potential ambassador and begin to select a possible site for your nation's chancery within Tagmatika, my nation's capital. I do not doubt that this will be the start of a long and happy relationship between our nations. May God grant our nations everlasting peace between us, Eugenios Goulielmos Megas Logothetes of the Logothesion ton Barbaron of the Megas Agios Basileia ton Arhomaion
  4. 2 points
    In that case you'll get a little more land in the south to add that bend in the north.
  5. 2 points
    I think we've reached a fair compromise then. I'm happy with the points raised by @Orioni. There's still an air of uncertainty regarding the definition of EOS and how that fits into the treaty though. As long as EOS backs down and allows equal zone management as proposed, I don't think there'll be any problems since there have been no issues thus far. However, since Wayanor has agreed that EOS is predominantly a military organisation, if anything fishy were to happen in the future there'd be a strong case to boot EOS out altogether. This allows EOS to remain involved in Antargis, but also allows future drama and hostility. In conclusion, all sounds good. Remmen will be pleased.
  6. 2 points
    Fort Beleturi 1650 Hours The entourage of diplomats, military officials, aides, and the media ambled throughout Fort Beleturi as the base commander, Colonel Harold Rino, showed them all around. Quick stops at troop housing facilities, hangers, runways, and the port proved satisfactory to the international visitors. Little questions here and there - rather simple ones, really - were asked occasionally and easily answered. Which just made the Salvian leaders even more nervous: shouldn't this be a bit... harder? "What do you mean by that?" The woman turned towards Martin. "I mean, I thought these guys would be shredding this guy right now." He motioned with his head towards the colonel, who was in the midst of showing off several Salvian infantrymen in the newest equipment possible. "But they might as well be asking where the loo is." The woman simply shrugged, "Saving face, maybe? Tough questions would make it look like there's no faith in Salvia. They probably already came here a few months ago for the actual questions." The colonel interrupted their musing, turning around to face the entourage. "And that concludes our tour of Fort Beleturi. Shall we head to Alexis Hall?" There were nods and muttering of affirmation as the colonel turned back around and led the whole group towards the numerous limos and cars that were ready to transport the whole group back to the capital. Alexis Hall 1715 Hours Despite the fact that the entire retinue had accompanied the diplomats and military officials to Alexis Hall, most of them had retired to their lodgings, leaving all the important people at Salvia's legislative building. Several Concilio members, chairmen of the Committee of Defense, met the group and escorted them to the Central Office, a room with a large, thick rectangular table that stretched across the entire room's width, plush armchairs seated around the whole table. The various officials sat down at their assigned seats while the more necessary aides who were still not quite as important shuffled around and stood in the corners. A plump, cheerful man, Defense Minister Vernon McCoy, was seated in the middle of the rectangle and looking at every single person with a large grin on his face, he began, "I hope your visit of our facilities proved satisfactory! I wish to extend an official welcome to you all and hope the heat is treating you all alright." He paused as he opened a folder that was set in front of each seat, which had a copy of the TRIDENT treaty. "So! Shall we?" @Andalla, @Gallambria, @Girkmand, @Iverica, @Prymont, Salvia, @Tagmatium Rules
  7. 1 point
    “A man-eating leopard frequently breaks through the frail walls of village huts and carries away children and even adults as they lie asleep. They usually prefer to ambush prey, however; that is when they are most successful.” Excerpt from Man-Eaters: The Memoirs of a Professional Hunter by Khristoforos Iagoupes, first published in EK7400 (AD1892). Iagoupes was later awarded the courtly title of Protokynegos, or “First Hunter”, in recognition of his exploits. The most dangerous man in Ahromaneia was currently sat reading a book on a patio. The patio overlooked a large, neatly tended garden that spread away from a relatively modest villa, down towards a meandering brook. It was a rare moment of peace and quiet in an otherwise busy life and high ministers of state only very occasionally had time to themselves. He paused for a moment in his reading, put his book down on the glass topped table in front of him and took a sip of mixed fruit squash before picking his book back up again. After reading for a few more pages, he kicked off his shoes and put his feet up on the chair next to him. The book wasn't that interesting, not really – it was some trash historical fiction about a common soldier during the Octarchy, who through his newfound Christian faith was able to save the Empire from being overrun by barbaroi before his piety and devotion was able to sway the heart of the pagan emperor to True Religion. It was utter trash on a few levels – the emperor Auxentios never became Christian, not even on his deathbed. He reportedly died of a broken heart, all his efforts to reunite Arome dashed to the winds as the struggles between Methodianos and the other, later Oktarkhoi shattered the peace he'd striven hard to make. And the emperor had instituted an official persecution of Christians, something that had never been enacted before. Still, it was trash that let him turn his brain off and not think of very much for a few hours, especially on a day off. It was uncommon to get any decent time off and the Megas Logothetes imagined that something would pop up before the day was out to mean that he wouldn't be able to enjoy it completely. He did have underlings, of course, who would deal with anything before he had to but the sort of government that the Megas Agios Basileia had meant that it often required a personal touch. The old tyrant would come sniffing about sooner rather than later, demanding answers whilst sitting and staring. Not that he had any real issue with Kommodos Iakoumos, other than the fact that the man was in the way of the reader's own ambitions. The only thing that he truly had against him was the fact that he had split the Logothesion tou Praitoriou, the Ministry of Police, away from his own Logothesion some years ago. It had weakened his own power but it was understandable. If Kommodos allowed an underling to gain too much of that, then it meant that his perch on the Leopard Throne was fundamentally weakened. If there was one thing that the man reading the book had an understanding of, it was power. It was why he had worked for years to get himself where he was. He didn't genuinely care about ruling, or keeping God's chosen nation on Eurth strong, although those were part of the parcel. It was all about power. And, as the Megas Logothesion of the Logothesion tou Dromou, he was amongst the most powerful people on Eurth. But there was someone above him. For years, he thought that he could tolerate that, as he felt that he could predict what the old tyrant wanted or wanted to hear. But with this move towards democracy, everything was now much more unstable. As the face of the ministry that was the source of the low level oppression that every Arhomaioi faced on a day to day basis, from the grey-uniformed Esoteriki Epitheorisi Pliroforion they saw on the way to work or on street corners to the price they paid for stamps, he was never going to win any elections. So he had to make sure that there was not one in the first place. And that was why Pantaleon Tonaras was the most dangerous man in Arhomaneia. Not just because he wanted to overthrow the God-ordained monarch of Arome but because he had the plan and the means. Tonaras turned the next page of his book. He knew himself that an election victory would be entirely out of his grasp. That was why he was planning on acting before Kommodos stepped down. He was also cynical enough to think that this was little more than an attempt by the Agios Basileos to go down in history favourably. He had brought peace and strength back to Arhomaneia but it was at the cost of repression. Something that Tonaras knew about quite well, since he was the one in charge of doing a lot of the repression. Sooner rather than later, the Arhomaioi would look upon the rest of the countries of the wurld and think that they were missing something. Now that the country was being drawn closer to the nations of TRIDENT, they would see the likes of Iverica and Prymont and realise that they could also have a say in how their country was run. Kommodos was trying to stay ahead of the game by announcing a move towards a democracy but it was certainly going to be a managed one. The old tyrant was lucky that the loudest voice in favour of democracy was that fat windbag, Isaakios Niketas. The man was a strange mix of a reactionary and an idealist. He had slowly but surely morphed from wanting nothing more than a return to a sinecure position to genuinely being in favour of democracy. Of course, as with most people leading a crusade, he saw himself being borne aloft by worshipping crowds. Unfortunately, it tended to fall flat because he had spent over a decade whinging about how life was unfair to him on TV programmes paid for by his family's billions whilst sat in a palace. Now the Megas Logothetes was working hard to make it look as if life was unfair to him. The Logothesion tou Dromou was a very useful tool in that regard. Not only was the Esoteriki Epitheorisi Pliroforion a part of his ministry but post service as well – that was what the name meant, after all – the Ministry of Post. It didn't take much to find blackmail material on Theoktiste Hagiokhristoforitissa and get her to ask questions that looked as if the Agios Basilikon Kounsistorion had got to her and made her try to make Niketas look like a fool or a traitor. And the Agios Basilikon Kounsistorion had been left scratching its head, as it was exactly the sort of ham-fisted thing it would do. When it had adamantly – and truthfully – denied that it had anything to do with the questions, people became even more suspicious. After all, it was known that Niketas was effectively being bullied by his team of “bodyguards”. What other lows would Kommodos' regime stoop to now that the country was once again edging towards democracy? Now all Tonaras had to do was to curate that. Make Niketas more likeable in the eyes of the common Arhomaioi or, something that was much more realistic, less dislikeable. The pro-democracy campaigner had a resource of a hardened following, who had stuck by him for many years. Even though it had been undermined by high-profile members leaving in recent years, Nea Demokrateia was still fairly strong. To allow it to flourish again, all it would take was to lessen the pressure put on it by the Esoteriki Epitheorisi Pliroforion and reduce the amount of mail being intercepted. The book was placed on the table again and Tonaras stared down the garden, towards the rushes edging the stream. It was a beautifully manicured garden, with a natural look that only came from a horde of gardeners carrying out the actual work. The villa was an official residence of the Megas Logothetes tou Dromou, near Skouton. Surprisingly for the ancient country, it wasn't as old as it looked. The building had been heavily damaged by during the Civil War of EK7513, shelled and burned during a battle between traitor army units and the Tagmata, who were trying to stop the rebel penetration towards the capital. It didn't seem that Pantaleon Tonaras saw any irony in plotting a coup whilst sat where blood had been split the last time Arhomaneia had suffered one. It was a double irony that there were Tagmata soldiers here still, acting as guards for the residence of the Megas Logothetes. If they knew the thoughts going through his head, they probably wouldn't stop to drag him before the Leopard Throne, instead shooting Tonaras where he sat. Perhaps it would be better to put more pressure on them, make the secret police more overt and heavy handed. The people would end up backing them more, in all likelihood. He stroked his beard for a moment. Of course, that could well backfire – he didn't actually want Niketas to become a hero of the people. And, in the end, Niketas needed to be put back in his box or put under the ground without anyone giving overmuch of a f*ck. He picked up his book again. It wasn't as if Tonaras wanted democracy to flourish in Arhomaneia, any more than he thought that Kommodos wanted it to, either. The Agios Basileos likely wanted to be able to retire from public life and puppeteer any new incumbent of the Leopard Throne. And it made sense that the Kouropalates was the man heading the plan for a democratic changeover. Fillipos Kommenos was little more than a younger version of Kommodos, although with an ancient pedigree that made him much more palatable to the aristocracy of the country. The Kouropalates would make decisions that Kommodos would approve of and the pair of them would shape a democracy that was little more than facade on the autocratic regime. The Megas Logothetes wasn't criticising them for that, though. He would do the same in their shoes. Their plan, such as he saw it, made perfect sense to mind of Tonaras. The other player in Tonaras' own plan would blindside Kommodos. The Megas Logothetes ton Ilektrikon was thought of as a key member of the Agios Basilikon Vestiarion, which didn't cease to surprise Pantaleon. It often seemed completely clear to him that Zemarkhos disliked Kommodos but even he hadn't imagined the depths of vitriol that had spilled out when he had met him in the suite of rooms put aside for the Logothesion ton Ilektrikon in the Basilikon Synkrotima Palation several weeks ago. Zemarkhos had a deep hatred for anything that damaged the dignity of the aristocracy, which Kommodos was the root of in his mind. The bile that had erupted forth took Tonaras aback and almost, almost stopped him from including the other Megas Logothetes in his plans. On top of that, Zemarkhos likely saw himself as the rightful ruler of the Arhomaioi and wouldn't allow anything other than that, so Tonaras was going to have to deal with that later. Likely terminally. Until that point, the Megas Logothetes ton Ilektrikon would be able to bring any other dissatisfied aristocrats on board, just as Niketas would be able to tap into the democracy fanatics. There was a large amount of them, as it turned out, all moaning about how Kommodos was favouring competency over breeding. Honestly, if this coup did fail and the upshot was that these arseholes were washed out of Arhomaneia, then Tonaras thought he should be hailed as a hero rather than a traitor. But they would be useful fodder when the plan was set in motion. Most of them had military training and ties with the armed forces, which would be able to counterbalance the fact that Pantaleon knew that he had little sway with them, not when compared with the old tyrant. That Zemarkhos was literally in charge of power was also why Tonaras had brought him on board. Between the two Megaloi Logothetai, they controlled much of the communications of the country. Neither of them directly but they would be able to disrupt it significantly, either through shutting off power or subverting it. Although there were obviously backups and redundancies built into the system, Tonaras had calculated that they could sow chaos for the crucial first day or so of the coup. Even the military response would be slowed, as rail lines were without power, traffic lights wouldn't work, anything like that. As well as that, with the secret police and the Viakoloutai, the Logothesion ton Ilektrikon's armed police, they could seize control of much of the infrastructure and centres of power. With a resurgent Gharoi menace to the north and deployments to Ceris, Tonaras calculated that the military would acquiesce to any changeover of civil leadership, so long as he was careful to give them the sort freedom and glory that they had come to expect under Kommodos. And if the democratisation facade was kept up with Niketas on board, then the ordinary Arhomaioi would follow on, too. In all, Tonaras was satisfied that the plan would succeed and he would see a smooth accension to the Leopard Throne. The only stumbling block as yet would be to the elimination of the old tyrant and getting the Church to back him. With regards to the former, it would only be a matter of seizing the opportunity when it was presented. The latter he was less concerned about. Kommodos had never been a particular friend of the Church, especially after he and the former monarch, Theodosios VI, had meddled in church affairs and got Maurikios Amfonos appointed as Patriarkhes Nikolaos IX of Tzankheia. That was still a black mark in their eyes against Kommodos and Tonaras assumed that they would just fall in line. He put his book down and closed his eyes, relaxing in the sunlight that was falling on the patio. All in all, it was good to have some time off from one's job. It allowed one time to think.
  8. 1 point
    Happy birthday, @Seylos!
  9. 1 point
    If it can bend a lil north would be perfect! °^° still thank you a lot!
  10. 1 point
    As soon as Remmen took a seat his aide leaned over with a sly grin. She was already in deep shit for her lackluster editing of the wurld map to display the zone management propisition, so she may as well continue digging her own grave. "What about the Seylosian?" she whispered as Salvia's Dr Varazzo rose to speak. "Why didn't you tell me that before I'd finished?" Remmen groaned as he wondered how to remedy the fatal error once he next spoke. "You seemed to get into a rhythm, I didn't want to disturb you." Remmen gave her the cold shoulder as he took note of Varazzo's amendment, which was very fair all things considered. His proposal was short and sweet, and Remmen was ready to get up and support the proposal when @Orioni's Tobiya Wayanor took centre stage. What came out of the delegate's mouth was the largest, fattest piece of tripe he'd ever heard. Remmen recalled the tripe his grandmother made; it was a favourite dish of hers, but to him it was vile and repulsive, much like what he was hearing from Wayanor. The man was shooting down valid proposals on the foundation of EOS taking advantage of a very vacant audience in the previous meeting. Unfortunately for him, Remmen was not about to roll over and obey his every command like a dog. Oliver Remmen took to the podium, cleared his throat, and began his response. "Thank you Dr Varazzo, and Mr Wayanor for your comments. Before I make any response I hope you don't mind if I briefly apologise to Commodore McKellar. The treaty would wholeheartedly support Seylosian involvement and the morals and focus of your government fall in line with the aims of the treaty. We'd be very honoured for you to become a fellow signatory today. I would be interested to speak with your scientists in Llalta regarding the discoveries they've made about ice breakup in the north pole. Since we're effectively in the north pole now, there's room for some research collaboration that could be very useful in comparing how climate change is affecting the north and south poles. Furthermore, I'd like to remind you that while farming tests on a very small scale would be fully acceptable in Antargis, we would prohibit anything on a larger scale in the fear of it disrupting the environment. Overall, we'd be happy to have you. My apologies again. Now Dr Varazzo, your suggestion is something I can get behind and would support as long as it is supported by the others. However, we may have a hurdle to overcome before we can get that far." Remmen turned his attention to Wayanor and stared at the man for a moment as he contemplated his response. He leaned forward slightly on the podium, his piercing scowl an attempt to unnerve a man who had... well, a lot of nerve spouting such rubbish. The Seylosians and the Salvians had come with excitement and anticipation to join what was a great treaty, and while he was certain those pesky Variotans had sinister motives they were outwardly just as warm and receptive as the others. Tobiya bloody Wayanor had the nerve to throw a spanner in the works, when Remmen was making progress in leaps and bounds. Even his own aide, who had been difficult and careless in her role, squirmed in her seat. The atmosphere in the room had turned from one of hope to one of hostility. The Minister had to take a further moment to compose himself and swallowed the strong urge to throw an insult. He was not Julian Nordeng. He would use his words to overcome his opponents rather than belittle them, although he wished he had Nordeng by his side to unleash a barrage of insults anyway. "Mr Wayanor... I'd like to point out that you have failed - no, refused to redefine the EOS. As it stands, the organisation continues to be seen primarily as a military alliance, and that strictly contradicts point 2.4 of the treaty, as I've already pointed out." The prohibition of any military projects on the continent of Antargis "I appreciate that you respect the rules of the treaty, and as such I know you'll agree with me when I say your stance against reorganising the zones based on points 6 and 8, as you kindly pointed out to us, is completely invalidated by point 2.4. A military organisation has no place on Antargis as agreed by all signatories. You're also keen to remind us that President Duval was a founding member of the treaty, and in turn, I shall remind you that he has not been a member of parliament for over a year. President Duval made many mistakes, and allowing the treaty to develop in such a way is one of them. I hope that today we can correct that mistake." Remmen took a moment to collect himself and regain his professionalism. He took a sip of water, referred back to the notes he'd scribbled during Wayanor's ramble, and resumed. "Moving on, I disagree that the TCSI needs its zone reducing. We've made leaps and bounds since we first arrived on the continent and our progress isn't stopping yet. I acknowledge the setbacks that we have faced recently, particularly a string of failures with launching weather balloons which has disrupted our observations of the local climate. These setbacks are unfortunate and frustrating and have been pinpointed to older technology and a lack of adequate funding. Today I would like to announce that Prymont will be contributing an additional β5 million directly to the Simon Station as an act of faith and confidence in the good, honest work that the scientists carry out there. Additionally we're considering increasing the funding for the University of Canastota's environmental sciences department, which has sent many students and professors to the Simon Station, and if ratified by the budget review panel, will be available for the 2021-2022 financial year. "Finally I would like to reveal plans for the TCSI to construct a seed bank in Antargis. Prymont has already seen the successful construction of a seed bank in our northern lands which currently holds over 500,000 samples from around the wurld. This structure is essential in preserving the vital crops of Eurth, and an additional bank in Antargis would be another failsafe. A further β5 million will go towards this project directly from Prymont's pocket, and we encourage our fellow TCSI members to contribute to a vital piece of environmental preservation and protection. May I note that the EOS is yet to set foot on the continent, despite having the largest zone. Perhaps they're concerned about their abilities to succeed in such unforgiving climates? The TCSI and the United States will continue to thrive under the pressure and will not be deterred in the ugly faces of adversity and uncertainty. "Mr Wayanor, everybody here wants equal zone management." Remmen gestured to his peers who had been supportive of his proposal to divide Antargis into equal portions, and the @Salvians had even offered improvements. "Your current position is counterproductive and, by assuming such a stance, you are preventing the widespread, fair protection of Eurth's last frontier. Let us protect these unspoiled lands together." He took another mouthful of water and gathered his notes. His response was complete, but there was one last comment he wanted to make and he couldn't quite help himself. "At the end of the day, Mr Wayanor, a child can see that EOS is going against what ARTHA stands for. Let's not ruin what we have."
  11. 1 point
    (TL;DR: Some veiled critique for TCSI. An attempt to sidestep Prymont's obviously correct arguments. New research stations can be discussed, but there are some concerns about potential exploitation. Zone management will more challenging to redraw without something in return. Let's discuss.) So far everything looked very promising, Tobiya Wayanor thought to himself. The participants were all very outspoken about their wishes and desires. Mr Remmen of @Prymont didn't beat around the bush: he wanted the Argic Council's permanent HQ to be located right here in Canastota. With Prymont being the furthest away from Antargis that didn't really make any sense. But agreeing to this request would be an easy token gesture. And who knows, perhaps another representative might come up with this remark all on their own... "Rest assured, Mr Remmen, that the EOS is complying with and remains committed to the ARTHA rules. This was already made crystal clear when representative Hackney signed the treaty in 2017, in the presence of your very own president Duval. The improvement of civilian, humanitarian and scientific achievements were part of the core goals at EOS founding, and they remain so to this day. The ultimate overreaching goal is defined in our EOS Antargic Strategy and 20 Year Action Plan. Someone from my staff will be able to attain a copy for you while we continue our discussion." Wayanor covered his mouth and whispered to his aide: but be sure to send them only the abbreviated bullet points. He then continued: "And regarding your other question, I can only point to the wurld map: EOS is concerned with maintaining peace around the Oriental Ocean. And Antargis happens to border that same ocean. Even a child can see that. There's really no need to discuss this any further." "Now, Lady and gentlemen, for something that actually matters" Wayanor said, recognising the abnormally tall Variot Dr Fantuitlant, "It is quite obvious that we all are of a similar mind. That the burden of Antargic care-taking should be the responsibility of all nations. It seems only fair that the protection of Antargis becomes a shared duty. This task should not rest on the shoulder of the EOS alone. It is admirable that the TCSI even considers taking on more responsibility, having weathered the difficult supply problems and tragic loss of human life." Wayanor thought it was rather ironic how the TCSI wanted to double the size of their assigned zone, even though they were obviously already out of their depth. Wayanor had no problem with subtly pointing this out. "We appreciate the offer of Aamotch assistance, and hope that in the future the availability of a polar-capable helicopters can improve safety for all scientific missions." "Thank you Mr Remmen for you proposal of redrawn zone management. You have obviously put great effort into preparing this draft. Very interesting." Wayanor leaned back from the microphone for a moment, pulling a handkerchief from his vest pocket while suppressing a sneeze. He must have caught a cold here in northern Prymont. "Many of the participants here have already clearly stated their interest in redrawing the zone management." He looked around at Mr Remmen, Dr Fantuitlant, Cdre McKellar and Dr Varazzo. This last one had already highlighted inconsistencies in the zones numbered 5, 6, 7 and 8." "The plans of the lady and gentlemen for establishing research stations, scientific experiments and crop cultivation are quite intriguing. I'm sure these plans can be discussed on a case-by-case basis. And if these stations are to be located between135°W to 165°W the EOS will likely not use its veto right." (See §8.) For now Mr Wayanor kept his concerns about the proposed plans to himself. Antargis wasn't to be exploited for profit. And yet Cdre McKellar was already talking about crop farming. Meanwhile Dr Fantuitlant proclaimed without concern that Variota would be "protecting its zone with the same verve as we would protect our own territory". And let's not forget Prymont's minister of the Environment also happens to be the Minister of Energy, an obvious conflict of interest. §8 Construction of Scientific Stations Those scientific stations can be built in any zone as long as any Responsible does not veto. If a veto was to be made, the Responsible needs to further explain their reasons. If the veto was to be contested, a mediation shall be initiated. "What seems to have been overlooked is that this proposal, and for now we'll only consider this a proposal, entirely consists of dividing the zones under EOS management. While we understand the intent, the existing ARTHA does not permit you to redefine another member's zones. (See §6) To the best of my knowledge the EOS are fulfilling their obligations. And as mentioned earlier, we have even been assisting the TCSI. Perhaps we should be discuss reducing the TCSI responsibilities to something... easier to manage?" §6 Zone Management Those zones Responsibles [...] may be removed, amended or added during any conference if a Nation/Organization or international cooperation shall be failing to fulfill this treaty. Wayanor had made his point in the most polite way possible. He didn't have to commit to anything. The EOS were holding almost all of the cards.
  12. 1 point
    Senate Majority Formed Following Month-long Talks A functioning Senate majority has been formed following talks and various negotiations between Shffahkian political parties that have lasted for almost two months. Following these talks the LUP (Lyso-Unionist Party), Kvar Steloj and Nuova Alternativa have agreed to form a tripartite coalition in the Senate to bring an end to the month of speculations. A point of contention in the talks was that both Kvar Steloj and Nuova Alternativa demanded Union President Larue to appoint new members to the government as previously almost all government positions were held by LUP party members either directly or indirectly appointed by the Union President. Eventually Union President Larue gave into to the pressure and agreed to redistribute government positions evenly between the three parties. The reshuffling of government positions has been hailed as a landmark decision in the "normalization" of Shffahkia as for first time in modern Shffahkian history the federal government is not under the control of one party as it has previously been. Together the Tripartite Coalition, as it has begun to be called, controls a total of 275 seats in the Senate which is just about half of the seats in the 523-seat legislature. As the name implies, the Tripartite Coalition was formed under the understanding that the government will function according to consensus formed between the tree party leaders: Adélaïde Larue, Massimo Amamihe and Ĉiela-Brava Rossi. Although the three parties have much in common in terms of domestic economic policy, where points of contention rise is in foreign policy as well as the question of Shffahkian language policy. Larue, Amamihe and Rossi each have a different vision for what ought to be the official language(s) of Shffahkia. Union President Larue alongside the LUP supports a vision of a Lysian-only Shffahkia claiming that because it is the most spoken language in Shffahkia, the most pragmatic solution should be to use it instead of dividing the nation along linguistic lines. Senate President Amamihe and his party, Nuova Alternativa, want Limonaian/Cristinese to become a co-official language alongside Lysian at the federal level as around a third of all Shffahkians speak Limonaian as their native language. According to Amamihe not having Limonaian as an official language leaves a third of the population unrepresented in the federal government as well as significantly disadvantaging northern states. Finally Senator Rossi and her Kvar Steloj movement represent what some call the extreme moderate viewpoint where Esperanto, a constructed language, should be used so that no-one regardless of their native language is left aside. Extensive talks between the SCUL (Social Communitarian Union League), the Syndicalists and Nuova Alternativa were held where the two left-wing parties agreed to support Massimo Amamihe's vision of Limonaian as a co-official language in exchange for concessions in economic policy. However, difference in economic policies between the three parties which were not consolable as well as a small exodus from the SCUL meant that the proposed "Red Alternative Coalition" did not become reality. Some political analysts suspect Amamihe of using the Red Alternative Talks as political leverage in order to get concessions from Larue and Rossi which Amamihe has neither denied or confirmed. Government's Housing Policy Flames Opposition The very next day a Senate coalition had been agreed upon the Tripartite-Coalition-backed government announced a bold new federal housing policy where the government declared its intention to cut back on financial assistance towards communes and to encourage a new "Recyclable Federal Land Policy" which has caused significant push-back from the opposition. However, this peculiar situation has highlighted an often less-talked-about part of Shffahkian society which is housing in Shffahkia. Political discussion over housing as well as landownership in Shffahkia is quite different since almost all land in Shffahkia that is used for housing is publicly owned. Because of this housing markets do not exist in the same way in Shffahkia as they do elsewhere. In this highly left-wing oriented housing model, land has traditionally been owned and maintained by communes. Which means that who lives where is decided by the community of a particular town or neighborhood. Good points of this model is that in the long term it has proven pivotal in ending homelessness in Shffahkia. A negative side of this system is the required state or federal oversight over communes to prevent discrimination and mismanagement of land resources. Alongside this commune-based system of landownership, a secondary model of "recyclable land" emerged from the Technocrats of Shffahkia in the 60s. Recycled land as it is called is a system where the government develops a plot of land and then leases it to an individual, commune or corporation for a certain period of time. This period is most often between 60 and 90 years after which the land is returned to the government. During this period, the holder of the lease essentially owns the plot of land or apartment/house and can choose to develop it further or resell it. Recyclable land emerged in the 60s as an alternative to communes. Recycled land is considered preferable to communes by some as it allows a greater degree of freedom to do with your leased property as you will as opposed to having to look for the consent of a commune. Critics of this system claim it supports inequality in housing as not everyone can afford to buy a long-term lease on a property. Various state governments have already experimented with Recyclable land, and limited federal experimentation has also taken place. This is the first time a federal land policy has been drafted that is directly in favor of Recyclable land as opposed to communal land. Despite fierce opposition from left-wing parties, it is expected that the federal housing policy will pass with the help of the newly-formed Tripartite Coalition. Social-Technocratic Union League Emerges onto the Political Scene As the government announced their new housing policies, the SCUL (Social-Communitarian Union League) under Chambre of Representatives President Féyeau, declared itself in opposition to the policy. This indirectly led to a small exodus of Technocrats from the SCUL who supported the policy. Instead of joining an existing political party, Boura Delîle decided to form his own party the LUST (Ligue d'Union Social-Technocratique) or the Social-Technocratic Union League. According to newly-named party leader Desîles, other parties are untrustworthy and dangerously irresponsible in terms of foreign and domestic policy. Similarly to the LUP, the LUST doesn't seek to define itself according to the traditional left-right conservative-liberal political axis instead saying that their path is the path of the best possible choices. The LUST took with it 20 seats from the SCUL making Larue's LUP the party with the most seats in the Senate while taking their former party from a tied first place to the fourth place in terms of seats in the Senate. Some political analysts expect the LUST to look for a spot in the Tripartite Coalition, however, that among other future actions of the newly-formed party, remains to be seen.
  13. 1 point
    Amamihe Wins Heated Senate Presidential Race Massimo Amamihe from the Nuova Alternativa party has won the heated Senate presidential race with 21,24% of the vote or 11,52 million votes. Despite the inconvenient timing, a total of 51 886 325 Shffahkians participated in the election which is most likely due to harsh mandatory voting laws in Shffahkia. Many voters, when asked, said they were relieved to have gotten their duty done with so they may continue with their holiday affairs. Some voters expressed disappointment over the timing of the elections as normally national election days are holidays in Shffahkia but because these elections were held so close to Christmas, no extra holiday was given. Senate President Amamihe celebrated his victory in Port-Réel, the largest city in Shffahkia where he campaigned successfully beating both the LUP's Dutoit and the Syndicalists' Desfleusses. In his victory speech, Amamihe pledged to "uphold the integrity of the Senate and to protect the Senate from inappropriate outside influence." This was rather bluntly aimed at Union President Larue who has shown little interest in the upkeep of independence between the four legislatures of Shffahkia. He also stressed the importance of political co-operation between parties both new and old. Amamihe also claimed that his party, Nuova Alternativa, has greatly suffered from electoral injustice resulting in a rather disappointing outcome of only getting 67 seats in the Senate. Despite his party's poor performance, Amamihe promises to form a functioning coalition to uphold his electoral promises. The heated presidential Senate race resulted in a close call with Amamihe only winning by 1,68 million votes against Dutoit and Desfleusses. In total some 27 million Shffahkians chose to vote for the president of the Senate instead of local candidates. These votes came overwhelmingly from more densely populated urban areas in Shffahkia. Normally the third candidate steps down from the race before election day, but this time going into the elections, it was hard to predict who that ought to have been because polling nation-wide showed the three candidates being neck and neck. In the end Dutoit was successfully able to reap considerable support from Paranne states and the south, while Amamihe reigned supreme in the north and did great in the largest state: Pranhahasse pushing the competition away. Desfleusses' campaign became focused in Minière, Catherine and Piranhahasse, three wildly diverse states, and although her Syndicalist economic policy worked well in Miniere, she was unable to break the LUP's stranglehold on the south and lost significantly to Amamihe's inclusive unionism in Piranhahasse leading to her taking third place in the race. Both Dutoit and Desfleusses congratulated Amamihe over his victory. Dutoit said that this was a moment of humility and reflection for him and his supporters hinting at certain necessary changes that need to be done within the Lyso-Unionist Party. On the other hand, Desfleusses claimed that her support was a great show of force and counted it as a victory since her party, The Syndicalists ,received almost double the number of votes as the SCUL from which they seceded. "Despite our loss, many doors and windows still remain open for our great party." Desfleusses claimed in her speech. Although the LUP lost the presidential race and with it wasted some 10 million votes, Larue's party tied with the Social Communitarian Union League getting 107 seats from the total of 513. Unfortunately this will not be nearly enough for Larue to pass constitutional reform without the consent of other parties. The SCUL ran a small presidential campaign but backed off when polling showed their candidate to be lagging behind considerably as Féyeau, the party leader and its most known member, is the President of the Chambre of Representatives and thereby could not run to the Senate. Although the two former juggernauts of Shffahkian politics still gained the most seats, their support has waned so much so that support from other parties is increasingly necessary which is something the LUP has been particularly opposed to. Considering the results of all other parties, one was able to achieve an incredible result from their voters which was the Kvar Steloj movement. On average the SCUL needed over 50 000 votes to gain one seat in the Senate while Kvar Steloj politicians only needed to gain 39 000 votes. Their performance was so good compared to their total votes that a federal inquiry by the Police Politique was held into the movement over suspected electoral fraud which delayed the publishing of results by five days. The federal inquiry concluded that there was no evidence to support electoral fraud and that it was merely a case of a well-run political campaign that targeted rural areas more effectively than any other party. Ĉiela-Brava Rossi, head of Kvar Steloj, claimed that this was proof that Esperantists and Esperanto are still greatly supported in Shffahkia. The two 'losing' parties in terms of votes to seats were Nuova Alternativa and The Syndicalists although receiving the most and third most votes respectively. The Syndicalists party can still count itself among the four largest parties. This is mostly due to great rural support especially from the Minière state and Desfleusses great bid for the presidency. The party that got off not so well is Nuova Alternativa that, although received the most votes, finds itself being the fourth smallest party. Winning the Senate president race means that NA and Amamihe have the first chance to form a coalition within the Senate, however because of Nuova Alternativa's low number of seats in the Senate, it will be unlikely that larger parties such as the LUP or Kvar Steloj will agree to join a coalition led by a smaller party. A Party Collectively Divided Released on Christmas With the end of the Collectivist Party, many politicians have chosen either to retire or to continue their careers in different parties but one former politician in particular, André Azaïs, has chosen a completely different route. Deciding to end his days in public service, he has turned towards the book industry and has written several books on Shffahkian politics especially between 1970 and 2018 when he was an insider in the Collectivist Party. His latest book: A Party Collectively Divided (Un Parti Divisé Collectivement) looks into why the Collectivist Party fell which in his book was due to a failure in ideological discipline. What marks Azaïs as different from other political writers in Shffahkia is his surprising transparency. Azaïs openly admits in his various works to have participated in corruption thereby offering a never-before-seen look into the inner workings of the Collectivist Party. For many Shffahkians the deep-rooted corruption within the Collectivist Party is a big surprise. Criticisms over Azaïs own political views often pop up whenever his name comes up as he has clearly said to be against democracy and is an unapologetic supporter of more controversial Shffahkian historical figures such as the former union president Nikolao Kondukanto. The central thesis of A Party Collectively Divided is that following the death of Duncan Delacroix in the late 1950s, the Monin family dynasty that succeeded him failed to uphold ideological unity within the party which directly led to its end in 2018. "Unlike in many other one-party states such as in Fulgistan, the Collectivist Party in Shffahkia didn't hold up veneer of unity, instead allowing itself to be actively shown as divided and thereby showing its dysfunctionality to the public. This would inevitably lead to the wider democratization of Shffahkia in the 1970s. Which in turn led to the break-up of Shffahkia and, inevitably, led to the end of the Collectivist Party itself. Today Shffahkia finds itself dealing with the consequences of a failed one-party system. Its political institutions and its elections were never meant for a multi-party system and thus many problems and failures in Shffahkia can be traced to the failure of the Collectivist Party." reads the book's short introduction. Critics of the book are calling it Collectivist historical revisionism as the book claims that a half-hearted and apathetic push towards democracy was forced upon the Monin family dynasty in Shffahkia because of their failure to uphold ideological discipline within the Collectivist Party. The current historical consensus in Shffahkia is that the democratization of Shffahkia was purposely initiated by the Monin political dynasty as it was in line with their vision for a re-syndicalized Shffahkia. What fewer historians are contesting is Azaïs' claims over just how corrupt the party actually was since the Collectivist Party was quite experienced with hiding its own corruption from the public. One shocking claim in the book is that in 1999 party insiders orchestrated a fire inside a movie theater killing 11 innocent people all to hide the political assassination of Élias Serrari, a political activist. "Political dissent inside the party was tolerated, yet dissent from outside the party threatening its existence was brutally suppressed and expertly hidden. The party was on a clear course towards extinction from within despite its capabilities of eliminating threats from without." Azaïs claims in his book. One mystery surrounding the book also is its release date as releasing the book on Christmas day is most likely not the most profitable move for the writer.
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